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OPINION

Post-revolution outcomes’ downside

Neil Ray | December 30, 2024 00:00:00


At a time when anti-social elements including muggers and dacoits are on the prowl, taking advantage of the inhibition the law enforcement agencies are still suffering from, there are reports on rising violence at family and social levels. But all those seem to pale before three incidents that send shiver down the spine or leave people in utter shock or fear. The murder of seven crew members in a cargo ship carrying fertiliser is grisly and blood-curdling. Then came the arson attack on houses of a Tripura Christian community in Lama, Bandarban at dead of night when the entire community went to a church in a nearby village for celebration of Christmas. The sensitivity involved in this incident cannot be overemphasised. Finally, the fire in the secretariat, the heart of the country's administration, smacking of sabotage has left people nonplussed. Incredulous as it is, the fact is it could happen at a time when the public servants are divided over the sharing of administrative power.

All these are serious matters pointing to the failure of arresting lawlessness and erosion of public confidence in the dispensation of governance. When summary justice is administered by mobs, it encourages people to settle old scores under the impression that they will have to suffer no legal consequences for the crimes. When turf wars between factions within a political party aspiring for power leave followers or local leaders dead, it acts as a contagious disease to vitiate societal peace and harmony. The political imbroglio turns into social degeneration.

Now the question is, if the social rot is beyond healing. Followers of world history of revolutions know that anarchy, sabotage, secret murder and mob justice are but the fallouts of any great uprising that has changed the national dynamics or even proved decisive for shaping a new world order or even the destiny of the human race. When the imperial Romanov dynasty was brought down, Tsarist Russia had saw the ultimate political upheavals and uncertainty in the Duma with bourgeoisie and socialists engaged in a tussle over bringing the army fighting a war against Germany on their respective side.

Anarchy reigned supreme. Political intrigues and manoeuvring were so complex and intense that food supplies to Petrograd, the capital, and the war front were severely disrupted. The astute leadership of Lenin and Trotsky won over workers in urban centres under the slogan "All powers to the workers' soviets" and peasants and soldiers with the promise of "peace, land and bread". At home the Bolsheviks had to face civil wars and the on war front the aggressive Germans.

Compared to the trial and tribulations the revolutionary government of Lenin went through, the interim government of Bangladesh is facing a moderate challenge. But it is a small country and any untoward or tragic incident has its repercussions felt all across the land, courtesy moreover of the digital age. Some developments here are similar to those encountered by the Soviet administration in the heady days of 1917. But Lenin was quick to respond to those problems. For example, his government ensured steady supply of foods to the urban centres and the war front immediately after taking over. Again, it embarked on nationalisation of banks and factories and reform to the system of agricultural production.

In Bangladesh, inflation, particularly that of food, has remained a thorn in the neck. It has to be taken care of as early as possible. If the working class people and other low-income groups can heave a shy of relief from the atrocious inflationary pressure, the government and the architects of the August 5 uprising will find the majority of the population on their side to carry forward the reform programmes. Whether that will be enough to set in motion a process of bringing equitability in the socio-economic order is, however, a completely different proposition.

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