Organised policing in Bangladesh has a history of around 200 years starting from the British colonial era. The constitution of the country, laws, rules and regulations including the Police Regulations, the Police Act, and the Code of Criminal Procedure form the legal basis for the existence of Bangladesh Police. The interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus has recently constituted a commission for recommending measures to reform this age-old institution in order to attune it to the needs of a democratic society and modern living. This has been done in the backdrop of a breakdown in the institutional structure and functions of Bangladesh Police due to excessive politicisation and rampant misapplications by the previous autocratic regime. The situation reached such a precarious state that many policemen even went into hiding after the fall of the autocrat Hasina because of the misdeeds they had committed earlier, which was quite unprecedented in the history of Bangladesh.
Experts concerned including former police officials are now suggesting comprehensive reforms in appointments, transfers, promotions, facilities, work-environment and management of the force. Besides, they recommend a powerful supervisory structure for making Bangladesh Police a service-oriented outfit and ensure their accountability cum transparency.
According to knowledgeable quarters, manpower-problem, dearth of budgetary provisions, and infrastructural limitations were previously cited as contributing factors to the lack of professionalism in the police force. However, this notion has undergone change over the previous fifteen years. As many as 83 thousand posts were added to Bangladesh Police during that period and 178 posts were created at the higher echelons for cadre officers. The police manpower touched the figure of 213 thousand in November 2023, and the budgetary allocations for the force increased by over 433 per cent during the 15-year rule of the mafia-like fascist regime. However, most of the infrastructure built were unplanned ones and there were reports of rampant corruption in all those initiatives. Besides, the force could not be made people-oriented despite improvements in facilities, infrastructure and logistics, as pleasing the policemen was prioritised over people's welfare by the then government. Consequently, a large chunk of the force was used like party-men for keeping the regime in power through three fraudulent elections in 2014, 2018, and 2024. In fact, the regime became more dependent on the police and administration than the party workers for rigging elections.
In the above backdrop, experts have emphasized ensuring accountability of the police force by placing them under a permanent independent Police Commission and a Police Complaints Commission. The Police Commission should work independently for improving professionalism of the force through merit and efficiency-based appointments, transfers, and promotions. The Complaints Commission, on the other hand, would ensure transparency and accountability in all these matters. There is also the need for elaborate policies on postings and promotions, and fit-lists should be prepared for the purpose on a regular basis. Besides, bribery and corruption in these areas should be dealt with an iron-hand, as officials who have to pay bribes engage in similar acts later for recovering those resulting in a vicious cycle from the top to the bottom of police hierarchy with clear linkages between corruption and criminal activities by the police. It was also revealed in a 2004 TIB study that frequent transfers in the police department hampered proper functioning of the police stations, as average tenure of officers-in-charge at metropolis, district, and upazila levels were only about one year.
Two World Bank reports also shed light on the sorry state of Bangladesh Police in the past. The 1999 report titled 'Bangladesh: Key Challenges for the Next Millennium' noted: "The public at large is fearful and suspicious of the police and view law enforcement agents as predators, not protectors. Ninety-six percent of the respondents to the TI 1996 survey claimed that it was impossible to get help from the police without money or influence. More than two-thirds of the complainants reported having to pay to induce police officers to file the necessary 'First Information Report'. Seventy-one percent also accused the police of taking bribes and distorting the charge-sheet in favour of bribe-payers and delaying sending cases to the court. Physical assault and torture in police custody are common and viewed as normal means of eliciting confessions from suspects. There are frequent media reports of documented cases of people tortured to death and women sexually abused and raped while in police custody".
Another World Bank report titled 'Bangladesh: Improving Governance for Reducing Poverty' noted in 2002: "Bribery, that begins with the formality of reporting a crime in the form of General Diary (GD) or First Information Report (FIR) can also influence the outcome of any investigation and prosecution. Between the first step of registering a criminal complaint and follow-up investigation, and where appropriate, prosecution in court, money greases the wheels of justice". It is therefore evident that the country's criminal justice system also needs to be reformed alongside the police force for getting optimum result.
In the light of the above, the first priority in reforming the police force should be to amend the laws, rules and regulations related to it. Provisions should be incorporated for establishing an independent Police Commission that would supervise the functioning of the force. The commission in turn would frame the policy guidelines for the management of Bangladesh Police, covering all functional aspects and areas. Secondly, a Police Complaints Commission should be established, which would look into grievances about application of discretionary powers by the police including recording of GDs and FIRs, as well as arrests and detentions. Thirdly, the police should receive regular training on upholding human rights in order to make them more humane and people-oriented. And fourthly, measures should be taken for closer interactions of the police force with the society they live in, so that people can feel that the policemen belong to their community and are meant to ensure their safety and wellbeing. Options like increased integration of the police force with the local communities and local governments may be considered for the purpose.
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