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Can varsities break free from politics?

Atiqul Kabir Tuhin | Thursday, 26 September 2024


As the interim government is appointing Vice-Chancellors and Pro-Vice-Chancellors for public universities based on merit and broad acceptability, there is a sigh of relief and a palpable sense of hope of better things to come among students and the general public. It is seen as a significant opportunity to cleanse and revitalise the public institutions and restore them to their former glory as esteemed centres of learning. Many are eagerly anticipating positive changes across the board, including a more welcoming and fear-free academic atmosphere, improved living conditions in dormitories, a decisive end to toxic student and teacher politics, and an overall enhancement of educational quality.
The immediate and pressing challenge facing newly appointed university administrations is to resume the academic activities that have been suspended for about three months. Dhaka University began rolling its ball on September 22nd. Other public universities are likely to require a few more weeks to fully prepare. The prolonged suspension of academic activities raises concerns about further exacerbating the chronic session jam at universities. Some of the universities are still in a state of turmoil. To foster a conducive and productive academic environment, it is imperative to restore calm and discipline on campus.
As universities gear up to reopen, one crucial question that arises is whether to ban campus politics. In the past month or so, at least 33 higher education institutions have banned student and faculty politics on campus. The latest to join the bandwagon is Dhaka University. Last Thursday, the DU administration decided to suspend all forms of political activities by students, teachers, officers, and employees on campus until further notice.
The issue, however, remains contentious at DU, historically regarded as the cradle of democracy in Bangladesh - and deservedly so - has long been the bedrock of democratic movements, both before and after the liberation in 1971. From the Language Movement of 1952 and the War of Liberation in 1971 to the anti-autocracy movements of the 1990s and the recent July revolution that led to Sheikh Hasina's downfall, the university has consistently served as the epicenter of political movement. Considering this historic legacy, many oppose an outright ban on student and teacher politics.
Recent surveys, however, reveal widespread disillusionment with student politics.
A Dhaka University Research Society (DURS) survey found that 88 per cent of students do not consider partisan student politics important, and 95 per cent oppose political gatherings, rallies, and processions within the university. This consensus reflects the growing frustration with student politics, which most students believe undermines the academic environment rather than enriching it. The DURS survey also reveals that 81.9 per cent of students believe the Dhaka University Central Students' Union (DUCSU) could be an alternative to partisan politics on campus.
Most students in public universities come from poor and middle-income families who make considerable sacrifices, often-selling land or livestock, to arrange their children's education. However, over the years, too many lives have been lost on public university campuses due to the pervasive violence linked to campus politics. As a result, general students say enough is enough - it is time to free university campuses from distracting, nonsensical political activities once and for all.
While political hyper-activism by students, which often tends to overshoot the limits of normal politics, has frequently figured in public discourses, politics by teachers, which is no less disruptive of academic life, largely evaded public gaze. Politics by teachers, which breeds factionalism in their ranks, is responsible for many instances of disturbances at universities over the recruitment of VCs, Pro-VCs and other administrative positions. Political patronages of one faction to the displeasure of another often have been among the underlying causes of chaos on campus.
After liberation under the Dacca University Order, 1973, varsity teachers were granted certain political rights, which they did not enjoy under Pakistani rule. The Order under clause 56 (2) mentions that the service conditions shall be determined without any prejudice to the freedom of the teacher or officer to hold any political views and to keep association with any lawful organisation outside the University and shall be clearly stated in the contract. Before liberation progressive teachers were penalised for their views, which necessitated the new rules with explicit political rights.
Holding a political belief is not wrong. University teachers being the nation's intellectual powerhouse are expected to be keenly observant of the current political forces at work and provide unbiased guidance as necessary. The problem arises when teachers allow their personal conviction to subdue their responsibility of teaching, when their politics spills over on campus, when partisanship plays a leading role in recruiting teachers, allowing individuals with subpar academic credentials to elevate themselves through political alignment, and when the system undermines genuine intellectuals, leading to the rise in pseudo-intellectuals who shamefully support misdeeds of the ruling party.
The sacrifices made by students will only become meaningful if universities can be transformed from political battleground to centre of excellence, granted full autonomy and political considerations no longer play any role in the appointment of VC or faculty. This will empower university authorities to create a conducive atmosphere where harmony, peace, and friendship serve as the umbrella under which all students can fully immerse themselves in the pursuit of knowledge.

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