Dealing with institutional corruption effectively
Sunday, 14 September 2008
Shahiduzzaman Khan
THE Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) has decided to suspend investigations against those whose cases have been referred to the Truth and Accountability Commission (TAC) considering their applications for 'clemency'. What the anti-graft watchdog is doing now is that it is just sending the lists of persons who want their names referred to the TAC.
If the TAC considers their cases for clemency and pardon them, these corrupt ones will be free men again. Here the role the ACC appears to be that of a mute spectator. Should a graft suspect, charged with amassing billions of taka in illegal wealth, go scot-free? If that is the case, what is the utility of the ACC being at the center-stage of eliminating corruption? The men in the lists being forwarded by the ACC are mostly from the government agencies like Titas, DESA, RHD etc. These people were mostly ill-paid, but they amassed fabulous wealth beyond their known source of income through graft.
However, in its latest move, the ACC has asked all concerned government bodies, organisations and departments to 'organise' the wealth statements, submitted by about 1.2 million government officials and employees, for follow-up actions as part of the anti-graft drive. It has sought advice from the Cabinet Division as to how to deal with the wealth statements submitted by all government officials and employees earlier in line with their service rules. The provision for submission of such wealth statements for all public officials was there since long but there was laxity in its enforcement.
Since it would be a 'time-consuming' matter for the ACC to deal with the statements, the ways for involving all concerned departments are being considered for the purpose. It is yet to be finalised as to how to involve the relevant departments. Furthermore, the Commission intends to start exchange of views with the chiefs and high-ups of different ministries and departments next month to combat institutional corruption under the ongoing anti-graft drive. At the first instance, the Commission would like to exchange views with the hierarchies of four ministries. In fact, the objectives of the proposed exchanges of views are not to deal with matters connected with individual corruption or taking actions against individuals. The main objective is to identify the areas and sources of corruption.
Indeed, without direct participation of government officials the campaign for rooting out institutional corruption would not be successful. The need for involving the senior officials was felt because they know how corruption takes place in respective departments and which legal and structural weaknesses induce one to indulge in corruption. It is now a big question how the ACC would deal with this huge task with highly inadequate manpower and logistic support.
At a recent meeting, Chief Adviser Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed deplored that pervasive corruption and plundering of national wealth by a handful of dishonest people had pushed the national economy, society and politics backward, into a disastrous state. As such, the caretaker government has set curbing of corruption on the top of the agenda.
Corruption, in simple words, means using one's power in an immoral or illegal way in order to get an advantage for oneself. It is only those who hold power can be corrupt by using it. A person who does not hold or enjoy power cannot be corrupt. In Bangladesh, it is the bureaucrats who are in a position to wield immense bureaucratic and financial power.
All other kinds of power, good or bad, which influence the social dynamics emanate from these basic sources of power. In case of Bangladesh, the bureaucratic power is the strongest of all powers. Without its direct or indirect support or connivance the other powers cannot be effective. Bangladesh has been branded, albeit rightly, as one of the most corrupt countries in the world. In other words, it is the bureaucrats who are the most corrupt ones in the world. In the absence of an effective ACC most of the Bangladeshi bureaucrats have been indulging in corrupt practices unabatedly and unabashedly for the last 35 years. For such a long time they have been successful in managing the politicians.
Bangladesh has unfortunately become a global brand name for corruption, with a ranking as one of the most corruption-afflicted countries in the world. It is being repeatedly mentioned by the donors that two per cent of the country's gross domestic product (GDP) is being eaten up by corruption alone. Bangladesh has also been excluded from the list of countries selected for US assistance, to be provided through the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), because of its endemic corruption.
Four years ago when the erstwhile four-party alliance government set up the ACC to replace the old and ineffective Bureau of Anti Corruption (BAC) the common people saw some ray of hope. They were optimistic that at long last the corrupt bureaucrats, politicians and businessmen could be taken to task. Once these powerful persons were brought under control it would be easier for the law enforcing agencies to control the godfathers, smugglers, tax evaders, terrorists and other criminals.
The fundamental problem that relates to corruption in Bangladesh is the dominance of the vested interests, irrespective of changes in the power matrix. The remedy was to start a cleaning drive from the top tiers. But unfortunately the ACC failed to take steps for curbing corruption, where no corrupt person would be spared because of his political affiliation. The long-felt need for a statutory body to address unabated corruption in the country was not met, as the ACC has failed to come up with any creditable output. The ACC, which was billed as a mountain, has so far proved to be a molehill. The fault lies with both, its act and the top brass.
Major General (retd) Abdul Matin, an adviser to the caretaker government, after assuming office as an adviser to the caretaker government, said that the ACC should be made "free of clowns." Now the clowns are gone. From the very beginning, the commission took many decisions that did not comply with ACC rules. Such wrong decisions include recruitment of manpower in violation of ACC principles and filing of cases without preparing required rules for which the ACC later faced a number of 'counter cases'. All of these issues tarnished the image of this anti-graft body very much.
The caretaker government has set combating corruption as one of its prime pre-poll tasks, and moved to activate the ACC. This is certainly a very commendable development. To activate the ACC, it was essential that its top brass should be formed with dynamic and devoted persons who could shoulder the sacred and onerous responsibility of curbing corruption without fear or favour. Part of this task has already been accomplished and the next important task should be to equip the ACC with the basic laws and logistics that it needs. The anti-graft body needs media attention to be fully functional. It must be done without compromising in any way the independence of the commission.
It is, thus, expected that full transparency should be brought into the way the commission operates. No one in the ACC should do anything that undermines the body or gives rise to speculations that it is still a dysfunctional body. The commission should determine the fate of all graft cases judging by its own, not to be dictated by the vested interests in the power matrix.
................................................................
szkhan@thefinancialexpress-bd.com
THE Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) has decided to suspend investigations against those whose cases have been referred to the Truth and Accountability Commission (TAC) considering their applications for 'clemency'. What the anti-graft watchdog is doing now is that it is just sending the lists of persons who want their names referred to the TAC.
If the TAC considers their cases for clemency and pardon them, these corrupt ones will be free men again. Here the role the ACC appears to be that of a mute spectator. Should a graft suspect, charged with amassing billions of taka in illegal wealth, go scot-free? If that is the case, what is the utility of the ACC being at the center-stage of eliminating corruption? The men in the lists being forwarded by the ACC are mostly from the government agencies like Titas, DESA, RHD etc. These people were mostly ill-paid, but they amassed fabulous wealth beyond their known source of income through graft.
However, in its latest move, the ACC has asked all concerned government bodies, organisations and departments to 'organise' the wealth statements, submitted by about 1.2 million government officials and employees, for follow-up actions as part of the anti-graft drive. It has sought advice from the Cabinet Division as to how to deal with the wealth statements submitted by all government officials and employees earlier in line with their service rules. The provision for submission of such wealth statements for all public officials was there since long but there was laxity in its enforcement.
Since it would be a 'time-consuming' matter for the ACC to deal with the statements, the ways for involving all concerned departments are being considered for the purpose. It is yet to be finalised as to how to involve the relevant departments. Furthermore, the Commission intends to start exchange of views with the chiefs and high-ups of different ministries and departments next month to combat institutional corruption under the ongoing anti-graft drive. At the first instance, the Commission would like to exchange views with the hierarchies of four ministries. In fact, the objectives of the proposed exchanges of views are not to deal with matters connected with individual corruption or taking actions against individuals. The main objective is to identify the areas and sources of corruption.
Indeed, without direct participation of government officials the campaign for rooting out institutional corruption would not be successful. The need for involving the senior officials was felt because they know how corruption takes place in respective departments and which legal and structural weaknesses induce one to indulge in corruption. It is now a big question how the ACC would deal with this huge task with highly inadequate manpower and logistic support.
At a recent meeting, Chief Adviser Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed deplored that pervasive corruption and plundering of national wealth by a handful of dishonest people had pushed the national economy, society and politics backward, into a disastrous state. As such, the caretaker government has set curbing of corruption on the top of the agenda.
Corruption, in simple words, means using one's power in an immoral or illegal way in order to get an advantage for oneself. It is only those who hold power can be corrupt by using it. A person who does not hold or enjoy power cannot be corrupt. In Bangladesh, it is the bureaucrats who are in a position to wield immense bureaucratic and financial power.
All other kinds of power, good or bad, which influence the social dynamics emanate from these basic sources of power. In case of Bangladesh, the bureaucratic power is the strongest of all powers. Without its direct or indirect support or connivance the other powers cannot be effective. Bangladesh has been branded, albeit rightly, as one of the most corrupt countries in the world. In other words, it is the bureaucrats who are the most corrupt ones in the world. In the absence of an effective ACC most of the Bangladeshi bureaucrats have been indulging in corrupt practices unabatedly and unabashedly for the last 35 years. For such a long time they have been successful in managing the politicians.
Bangladesh has unfortunately become a global brand name for corruption, with a ranking as one of the most corruption-afflicted countries in the world. It is being repeatedly mentioned by the donors that two per cent of the country's gross domestic product (GDP) is being eaten up by corruption alone. Bangladesh has also been excluded from the list of countries selected for US assistance, to be provided through the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), because of its endemic corruption.
Four years ago when the erstwhile four-party alliance government set up the ACC to replace the old and ineffective Bureau of Anti Corruption (BAC) the common people saw some ray of hope. They were optimistic that at long last the corrupt bureaucrats, politicians and businessmen could be taken to task. Once these powerful persons were brought under control it would be easier for the law enforcing agencies to control the godfathers, smugglers, tax evaders, terrorists and other criminals.
The fundamental problem that relates to corruption in Bangladesh is the dominance of the vested interests, irrespective of changes in the power matrix. The remedy was to start a cleaning drive from the top tiers. But unfortunately the ACC failed to take steps for curbing corruption, where no corrupt person would be spared because of his political affiliation. The long-felt need for a statutory body to address unabated corruption in the country was not met, as the ACC has failed to come up with any creditable output. The ACC, which was billed as a mountain, has so far proved to be a molehill. The fault lies with both, its act and the top brass.
Major General (retd) Abdul Matin, an adviser to the caretaker government, after assuming office as an adviser to the caretaker government, said that the ACC should be made "free of clowns." Now the clowns are gone. From the very beginning, the commission took many decisions that did not comply with ACC rules. Such wrong decisions include recruitment of manpower in violation of ACC principles and filing of cases without preparing required rules for which the ACC later faced a number of 'counter cases'. All of these issues tarnished the image of this anti-graft body very much.
The caretaker government has set combating corruption as one of its prime pre-poll tasks, and moved to activate the ACC. This is certainly a very commendable development. To activate the ACC, it was essential that its top brass should be formed with dynamic and devoted persons who could shoulder the sacred and onerous responsibility of curbing corruption without fear or favour. Part of this task has already been accomplished and the next important task should be to equip the ACC with the basic laws and logistics that it needs. The anti-graft body needs media attention to be fully functional. It must be done without compromising in any way the independence of the commission.
It is, thus, expected that full transparency should be brought into the way the commission operates. No one in the ACC should do anything that undermines the body or gives rise to speculations that it is still a dysfunctional body. The commission should determine the fate of all graft cases judging by its own, not to be dictated by the vested interests in the power matrix.
................................................................
szkhan@thefinancialexpress-bd.com