Ensuring unity of uprising actors

The year 2024 is lost in the layers of time. Just like any other year in the Gregorian calendar, it was comprised of 12 months, 52 weeks and 366 days. Yet, it was profoundly distinct in its essence, as the events that unfolded during this period reshaped lives, politics, system of governance, and, overall, the course of Bangladesh's history. The bygone year has assumed such significance that it is being compared to 1971, the year Bangladesh achieved independence. This is because 2024 witnessed the rebirth of Bangladesh. Under a decade and a half of autocratic and corrupt rule by Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League regime, not only had democracy lost its course, but also all other sacred founding principles of the nation, such as liberty, equality, and justice, were being trampled upon. Moreover, it was widely seen as a puppet government of a neighbouring country. In July, when the despot attempted to crack down on a peaceful student protest, it sparked a mass uprising that ultimately led to the downfall of the tyrant.
The enormity of this transformative event, which placed Bangladesh on the right course of democratic transition, is so significant that The Economist named Bangladesh its "Country of the Year" for 2024. This recognition, however, does not imply that Bangladesh has achieved a miraculous success overnight in its system of governance or economic performance. Rather, it acknowledges the potential unleashed by this transformative change. Now, in 2025, the foundation for realising this potential must be laid. In that sense, the year 2025 is extremely important for Bangladesh and the interim government must prove its mettle in reforming and rebuilding the democratic institutions and steering the nation towards a sustainable democratic future.
In 2025, the toughest challenge will be to keep the reform process on track, because unity among various parties on the issue of the July-August uprising is already frayed, and patience is wearing thin among certain political parties. Of the 15 reform commissions that the government formed to propose reform measures on various state affairs, six are slated to submit their reports in January. Then the National Consensus Building Commission will explore the areas on which consensus can be established and reforms can be implemented by exchanging views with the political parties and other stakeholders.
The Chief Advisor has outlined two potential timelines for national elections: one by late 2025 with minimal reforms, and another by the first half of 2026 with extensive reforms. Without a comprehensive overhaul of democratic institutions such as the Election Commission, Judiciary, Public Administration, Police, and the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), elections and the mere transfer of power may fail to address the deep-seated ills afflicting the state. In such a case, the country risks reverting to the old way of things and the sacrifice of nearly 2,000 martyrs and 33,000 wounded will be in vain.
Therefore, while the government is trying to reform the state, political parties should focus on internal reforms to ensure intra-party democracy. As the adage goes, "charity begins at home," so too must reform. Democracy is more than just holding elections. Despite elections having been held at regular intervals since independence, Bangladesh has yet to develop a healthy democratic culture, largely due to the undemocratic character of mainstream political parties. Even though the parties claim to be in the vanguard of democratic struggles in the country, their leaders are not democratically elected. Even party decisions are not reached through democratic processes. Instead, party decisions often reflect the will of party leaders rather than the collective will of the party. This practice undermines internal democracy and can lead to authoritarian tendencies within the party itself. If political parties are governed internally in a fascist manner, they are likely to replicate these authoritarian tendencies when they assume power.
So, in order to realise the aspiration of July-August uprising of building a democratic and discrimination-free country, political parties must undergo significant internal reforms and practice intra-party democracy. How they elect leaders, nominate candidates, mobilise funds, and the sources of income for party leaders and activists must be transparent and accountable. Politics must not be treated as a profession; it should be viewed as a mission to serve the public. And there should be strict guidelines prohibiting the use of students, religion or the place of worship for political purposes.
Another pressing agenda of the year is the prosecution of those responsible for the July-August massacre. The nation owes it to the martyrs of the uprising, to history, and to the 400 individuals who lost their eyesight and countless others who suffered the loss of limbs after being injured by bullets during the uprising. The stage is set for the trials at the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT), and any progress in this regard is being watched with the utmost anxiety by the entire nation.
Luckily, there is no dissenting voice among the stakeholders of the uprising regarding the trial procedure. Some, however, are raising questions about whether the trial should be completed during the tenure of the interim government or whether it should be carried forward to the next elected government. But the interim government should at least complete the trials of those accused of commtting atrocities. The trials must be conducted fairly, transparently, and in accordance with international standards to ensure that their outcomes are beyond reproach.
Last but not least, while the government has managed to bring about a modicum of order and stability in the macroeconomic and financial sectors, economic challenges before the government are still far from over. Inflation and unemployment rates are stubbornly high, while the influence of oligarchic business interests continues to distort market dynamics. The government faces the daunting task of revitalising a stagnating economy, accelerating growth, and stimulating trade and investment, all the while navigating the constraints of a contractionary monetary policy. Decisive actions will also be required to address frequent workers' unrest, resolve power and fuel supply crises, mitigate liquidity problems in the banking sector, and manage high interest rates.
Amidst these multifaceted challenges, all stakeholders of the July-August uprising must remain united to ensure successful implementation of reforms in the national interest. A divided stance will not only weaken the government but also invite interference from conspirators and external actors.

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