Gul faces battle to win over his own military
Saturday, 22 September 2007
Vincent Boland
A few days after Abdullah Gul became president of Turkey at the end of last month, all of Ankara's society turned out for his first reception at the presidential palace -- with two glaring exceptions.
One was Mr Gul's wife, Hayrunissa. The other, more tellingly, was General Yashar Buyukanit, chief of the general staff.
Mrs Gul stayed away lest her Muslim headscarf become the focus of gossip and distraction, as it certainly would, in the presidential palace that was once the home of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, revered founder of modern Turkey and still a repository of secularism in the Muslim nation.
Previously scheduled military business was said to have detained Gen Buyukanit elsewhere. However, his absence was evidence of something more troubling: the military's apparent lack of regard -- even of respect for Mr Gul, whose elevation to the post of commander in chief Gen Buyukanit tried, but failed, to derail because of Mr Gul's links to Turkey's Islamist movement.
Commentators say this stance foreshadows what could be the trickiest relationship between the military and the president in nearly two decades. It has the potential to cause endless problems, not least administrative gridlock, among the three key institutions of the Turkish state -- the government, the president and the army.
Bulent Aliriza, of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, says: "Clearly the military are unhappy with Gul and anybody who claims otherwise is deluding himself. What we are in for is a cold, but correct, relationship not just between the military and the president but between the military and the government."
The relationship between the president and the general staff is a crucial one in Turkey, far more so than in any other modern democracy. The presidency is seen to embody the secular republic and its occupant has often been a retired general or a senior figure from the secular establishment. For this reason, the military top brass, in its role as the guardian of the secular republic, has usually used the office as its conduit into the political arena.
Whether it can continue to fulfil that function, and how, are among the questions that now surround the office. Constitutionally, and in the eyes of the public, the military occupies a prominent role in Turkey's administrative firmament.
Mr Gul has promised to uphold Turkey's secular values and he heaped praise on the military in his inaugural speech. He has also promised to act as an independent figure not beholden to the government, in which he served for nearly five years as foreign minister.
Mr Gul and Gen Buyukanit met formally for the first time recently and there were handshakes and smiles despite the occasion's rather perfunctory air. There was speculation that it was an attempt by the general to dispel the impression that he had snubbed the president at the first reception.
Some observers, however, say the onus is now on Mr Gul to take the lead in smoothing the high command's ruffled feathers.
Tolga Ediz, an economist at Lehman Brothers, argued recently that Mr Gul's job would be to heal the chasm that has opened up between the government and the military. Mr Ediz wrote that "unless the Turkish state can co-ordinate seamlessly, political and economic stability could be hurt". Areas affected could include the situation in Iraq, Turkey's relations with the US and the European Union, and the government's ability to pursue domestic political and economic reforms.
A foreign diplomat in Ankara says: "You could argue, and I have heard it argued, that Buyukanit has compromised by accepting Gul as president and that it is now up to Gul to show willing with Buyukanit and to be flexible and to be seen to be his own man."
Diplomats and commentators say Mr Gul is aware of the consequences of his election and has the sophistication to be an independent and decisive presence.
As president, Mr Gul may find himself in the uncomfortable position of having to mediate between the government, which has a huge popular mandate and is pursuing a new constitution free of military influence, and the secularists, including the high command.
It is here, commentators say, that his independence of mind will face the most serious tests, in ways that will define his presidency.
........................................
FT Syndication Service
A few days after Abdullah Gul became president of Turkey at the end of last month, all of Ankara's society turned out for his first reception at the presidential palace -- with two glaring exceptions.
One was Mr Gul's wife, Hayrunissa. The other, more tellingly, was General Yashar Buyukanit, chief of the general staff.
Mrs Gul stayed away lest her Muslim headscarf become the focus of gossip and distraction, as it certainly would, in the presidential palace that was once the home of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, revered founder of modern Turkey and still a repository of secularism in the Muslim nation.
Previously scheduled military business was said to have detained Gen Buyukanit elsewhere. However, his absence was evidence of something more troubling: the military's apparent lack of regard -- even of respect for Mr Gul, whose elevation to the post of commander in chief Gen Buyukanit tried, but failed, to derail because of Mr Gul's links to Turkey's Islamist movement.
Commentators say this stance foreshadows what could be the trickiest relationship between the military and the president in nearly two decades. It has the potential to cause endless problems, not least administrative gridlock, among the three key institutions of the Turkish state -- the government, the president and the army.
Bulent Aliriza, of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, says: "Clearly the military are unhappy with Gul and anybody who claims otherwise is deluding himself. What we are in for is a cold, but correct, relationship not just between the military and the president but between the military and the government."
The relationship between the president and the general staff is a crucial one in Turkey, far more so than in any other modern democracy. The presidency is seen to embody the secular republic and its occupant has often been a retired general or a senior figure from the secular establishment. For this reason, the military top brass, in its role as the guardian of the secular republic, has usually used the office as its conduit into the political arena.
Whether it can continue to fulfil that function, and how, are among the questions that now surround the office. Constitutionally, and in the eyes of the public, the military occupies a prominent role in Turkey's administrative firmament.
Mr Gul has promised to uphold Turkey's secular values and he heaped praise on the military in his inaugural speech. He has also promised to act as an independent figure not beholden to the government, in which he served for nearly five years as foreign minister.
Mr Gul and Gen Buyukanit met formally for the first time recently and there were handshakes and smiles despite the occasion's rather perfunctory air. There was speculation that it was an attempt by the general to dispel the impression that he had snubbed the president at the first reception.
Some observers, however, say the onus is now on Mr Gul to take the lead in smoothing the high command's ruffled feathers.
Tolga Ediz, an economist at Lehman Brothers, argued recently that Mr Gul's job would be to heal the chasm that has opened up between the government and the military. Mr Ediz wrote that "unless the Turkish state can co-ordinate seamlessly, political and economic stability could be hurt". Areas affected could include the situation in Iraq, Turkey's relations with the US and the European Union, and the government's ability to pursue domestic political and economic reforms.
A foreign diplomat in Ankara says: "You could argue, and I have heard it argued, that Buyukanit has compromised by accepting Gul as president and that it is now up to Gul to show willing with Buyukanit and to be flexible and to be seen to be his own man."
Diplomats and commentators say Mr Gul is aware of the consequences of his election and has the sophistication to be an independent and decisive presence.
As president, Mr Gul may find himself in the uncomfortable position of having to mediate between the government, which has a huge popular mandate and is pursuing a new constitution free of military influence, and the secularists, including the high command.
It is here, commentators say, that his independence of mind will face the most serious tests, in ways that will define his presidency.
........................................
FT Syndication Service