How far has indoor politics achieved reform objectives?
Saturday, 27 October 2007
Muhammad Quamrul Islam
How far the lifting of ban on indoor politics by the reconstituted Caretaker Government [CG] in post 1/11 Bangladesh to facilitate meetings in party forums to have discussions with the Election Commission [EC] achived the objective of correcting party politics replacing 'one person show' as in the past remains a question?
Was there any expectation that the political parties would shun past habits or practices, and open their doors to honest persons, known to the elderly leaders of mainstream parties. But for one reason or the other the political parties could neither invite nor accommodate them in their rank and file.
The honest obviously do not like to join a party by presenting bouquets to party chiefs to become a leader overnight, or get nominations to contest parliamentary elections. Those who don't hesitate to do it aren't politicians in the true sense of the term. Some influential people with black money, be they retired bureaucrats or businessmen did it time and again for pelf and power, as the ongoing anti-corruption drive is showing.
It would be quite relevant to ask whether the lifting of ban on limited or indoor politics from September10 has shown any material progress by way of self-introspection by the leaders. Possibly only the Ganotantri Party politicians, responding to the EC, had a dialougue with the EC as per the schedule set by it.
It is known that the small parties feel safe in finding excuses for forming an alliance with either of the big parties. The smaller parties actually do it in the hope of getting one or more nominations for their candidates. But each small party maintain an office of its own in Dhaka. Who bears the cost is an open secret and for what benefit? As usual donations raised on hollow ideological slogans, on the pretext of publication of bulletins or souvenirs, 'tadbir' culture, or behind the scene campaigning for the NGOs or raising funds from abroad from party supporters and other similar activities, which observers feel needs to be addressed by the reconstituted EC.
What prompted Awami League [AL] acting president Zillur Rahman ask presidium member Tofail Ahmed to coordinate pre one-eleven 14-party combine hold bilateral parleys for fixing common stand for dialogue with EC is unknown. Tofail, at that time became controversial for joining Amir Hossain Amu in reform bids, complied and later withdrew as his name appeared in the list of the suspected corrupt.
But Zillur Rahman did not agree, possibly as a lawyer he perhaps felt that an allegation is not a conviction by a court of law. But in democratic politics suspicion can become a moral issue that can be difficult to ignore.
As desired by the Awami League acting president bilateral discussions were held with Workers Party, JSD [Inu], Samyabadi Dal, set to have a dialogue with the Election Commission. What impact it had on the minds of the electorate is unknown. The exercise, however, raised a question why they had had to do it as no small party liked to abandon the privilege of meeting the EC separately.
Common voters think if the smaller parties feel they genuinely are looking for a common stand in the interest of people they should merge with AL to promote inner party democracy instead of contributing to an ever increasing number of parties and factions. Would they do it; or stick to the past to show that these parties also have leaders, Presidents and General Secretaries, who can speak to big parties at equivalent levels? An octogenarian leader, who rose from the grassroots to the national level, said these party chiefs always look for leaders of big parties to get safe personal seats, as otherwise they can't expect to win elections. How these leaders keep their leadership is open to question. They possibly project themselves as theoreticians and propagate the idea that within the parties there is only 'leader-worker' relationship and the workers should have no other identity.
These are among causes needing serious study into why Bangladesh politics is where it is today. There are many who, being disillusioned, left politics in time to do better elsewhere.
What does it mean when Sheikh Shahidul Islam as the Secretary General of the newly formed Progressive Democratic Party [PDP] led a party delegation to have dialogue with the EC. It surprised EC officials, reported national dailies on October 5. Its chairman Anwar Hossain Manju declaring his retirement from politics is now staying abroad.
Corruption cases are there before the courts against him. EC officials felt embarrassed to see a delegation led by a well-known person, once awarded death penalty. Another with a similar backgrounde is in another new party.
The EC needs to think what electoral reforms could be achieved out of discussions with these parties. It is no wonder they are asking for increasing election spending limit. Bangladesh Jatiya Party [Naziur], scheduled to meet the EC, is no different.
The parties in the BNP-led alliance are no different. Jamaat-e-Islami [JI] changed sides. It was with the AL from 1991 to 1996 on the caretaker issue. Later it was in the BNP-led government from 2001 to 2006.
How far Jamaat is an open democratic party or more like a secretaive communist party is a relevant question.
JI has assured vote bank based in Madrashas. The retired officials with them cannot bring votes. In the ongoing crusade against corruption Jamaat virtually remained untouched.
It would be relevant to ask our leaders whether they are aware of the pertinent and burning issues like population under the povert line, decreaising cultivable land due to increasing population and gender diparity and child malnutrition.
The country needs to overcome partisan conflicts for power. The reforms would be meaningful if they steer the country towards enduring democracy, accountability and sustainable development. There is no need for Bangladesh to return to pre-January11 scenario. The big parties and their leaders should extend helping hands for the success of the reforms. And the caretaker government should know that the support of the big parties is necessary for the success of the reform objectives.
The writer is a senior citizen and Advocate, Supreme Court of Bangladesh
How far the lifting of ban on indoor politics by the reconstituted Caretaker Government [CG] in post 1/11 Bangladesh to facilitate meetings in party forums to have discussions with the Election Commission [EC] achived the objective of correcting party politics replacing 'one person show' as in the past remains a question?
Was there any expectation that the political parties would shun past habits or practices, and open their doors to honest persons, known to the elderly leaders of mainstream parties. But for one reason or the other the political parties could neither invite nor accommodate them in their rank and file.
The honest obviously do not like to join a party by presenting bouquets to party chiefs to become a leader overnight, or get nominations to contest parliamentary elections. Those who don't hesitate to do it aren't politicians in the true sense of the term. Some influential people with black money, be they retired bureaucrats or businessmen did it time and again for pelf and power, as the ongoing anti-corruption drive is showing.
It would be quite relevant to ask whether the lifting of ban on limited or indoor politics from September10 has shown any material progress by way of self-introspection by the leaders. Possibly only the Ganotantri Party politicians, responding to the EC, had a dialougue with the EC as per the schedule set by it.
It is known that the small parties feel safe in finding excuses for forming an alliance with either of the big parties. The smaller parties actually do it in the hope of getting one or more nominations for their candidates. But each small party maintain an office of its own in Dhaka. Who bears the cost is an open secret and for what benefit? As usual donations raised on hollow ideological slogans, on the pretext of publication of bulletins or souvenirs, 'tadbir' culture, or behind the scene campaigning for the NGOs or raising funds from abroad from party supporters and other similar activities, which observers feel needs to be addressed by the reconstituted EC.
What prompted Awami League [AL] acting president Zillur Rahman ask presidium member Tofail Ahmed to coordinate pre one-eleven 14-party combine hold bilateral parleys for fixing common stand for dialogue with EC is unknown. Tofail, at that time became controversial for joining Amir Hossain Amu in reform bids, complied and later withdrew as his name appeared in the list of the suspected corrupt.
But Zillur Rahman did not agree, possibly as a lawyer he perhaps felt that an allegation is not a conviction by a court of law. But in democratic politics suspicion can become a moral issue that can be difficult to ignore.
As desired by the Awami League acting president bilateral discussions were held with Workers Party, JSD [Inu], Samyabadi Dal, set to have a dialogue with the Election Commission. What impact it had on the minds of the electorate is unknown. The exercise, however, raised a question why they had had to do it as no small party liked to abandon the privilege of meeting the EC separately.
Common voters think if the smaller parties feel they genuinely are looking for a common stand in the interest of people they should merge with AL to promote inner party democracy instead of contributing to an ever increasing number of parties and factions. Would they do it; or stick to the past to show that these parties also have leaders, Presidents and General Secretaries, who can speak to big parties at equivalent levels? An octogenarian leader, who rose from the grassroots to the national level, said these party chiefs always look for leaders of big parties to get safe personal seats, as otherwise they can't expect to win elections. How these leaders keep their leadership is open to question. They possibly project themselves as theoreticians and propagate the idea that within the parties there is only 'leader-worker' relationship and the workers should have no other identity.
These are among causes needing serious study into why Bangladesh politics is where it is today. There are many who, being disillusioned, left politics in time to do better elsewhere.
What does it mean when Sheikh Shahidul Islam as the Secretary General of the newly formed Progressive Democratic Party [PDP] led a party delegation to have dialogue with the EC. It surprised EC officials, reported national dailies on October 5. Its chairman Anwar Hossain Manju declaring his retirement from politics is now staying abroad.
Corruption cases are there before the courts against him. EC officials felt embarrassed to see a delegation led by a well-known person, once awarded death penalty. Another with a similar backgrounde is in another new party.
The EC needs to think what electoral reforms could be achieved out of discussions with these parties. It is no wonder they are asking for increasing election spending limit. Bangladesh Jatiya Party [Naziur], scheduled to meet the EC, is no different.
The parties in the BNP-led alliance are no different. Jamaat-e-Islami [JI] changed sides. It was with the AL from 1991 to 1996 on the caretaker issue. Later it was in the BNP-led government from 2001 to 2006.
How far Jamaat is an open democratic party or more like a secretaive communist party is a relevant question.
JI has assured vote bank based in Madrashas. The retired officials with them cannot bring votes. In the ongoing crusade against corruption Jamaat virtually remained untouched.
It would be relevant to ask our leaders whether they are aware of the pertinent and burning issues like population under the povert line, decreaising cultivable land due to increasing population and gender diparity and child malnutrition.
The country needs to overcome partisan conflicts for power. The reforms would be meaningful if they steer the country towards enduring democracy, accountability and sustainable development. There is no need for Bangladesh to return to pre-January11 scenario. The big parties and their leaders should extend helping hands for the success of the reforms. And the caretaker government should know that the support of the big parties is necessary for the success of the reform objectives.
The writer is a senior citizen and Advocate, Supreme Court of Bangladesh