Hurdles to making LG bodies effective
Monday, 30 March 2009
THE local government (LG) system in Bangladesh is pretty old but, unfortunately, it has failed to deliver goods up to the desired level. There have been occasional experimentations with the system either to expand or squeeze it. But no government has ever tried to remove the basic weaknesses of the LG institutions-lack of independence and poor flow of development funds. Politicians at the centre have otherwise been more interested in creating the LG institutions as their own power base than anything else. Empowering the elected LG bodies befittingly to run their show without outside interference has not drawn their attention much. The bureaucrats, who are unwilling to share power with the elected people's representatives at the local level, have always extended tacit support to the politicians' move to keep the LG system ineffective.
In this backdrop, it would be worthwhile to note here that participants at a recent workshop organised jointly by the World Bank and the Swiss Development Corporation (SDC) in Dhaka have highlighted the need for adequately empowering the LG bodies while admitting the fact that the task is daunting. The recent developments over the enactment of an act relating to the constitution and operations of Upazilas (sub-districts), an important tier of the country's LG system, bear testimony to this. Though the Upazila system was introduced in the eighties to create a class of political cronies of the then authoritarian regime at the field level. The relevant ordinance then gave sufficient powers to the elected Upazila Parishads (sub-district councils) and the lawmakers had no lawful role in their day-to-day activities. However, the Upazila system was abolished after BNP's coming to power in 1991.
Later, the Awami League (AL), being voted to power in 1996, adopted a law for the reintroduction of the Upazila system after realising the fact the decision to scrap the system had not gone well with the people at the grassroots. However, it incorporated a provision in the new Upazila law that made the Members of the Parliament (MPs) of the respective Upazilas more powerful than the elected Upazila Parishads. Since the AL government or the next BNP-led four party alliance party did not hold elections during their respective tenures, the power struggle between the MPs and the Upazila Parishads had not surfaced. The immediate past caretaker government promulgated an ordinance rescinding the provision that had made 'listening' to the MPs' 'advice' mandatory for the Upazila Parishads. However, the ordinance in question lost its effectiveness since it was not tabled in the first session of the present parliament within the constitutionally mandated time.
The government has now tabled a bill seeking to revive the now defunct Upazila Parishad Act of 1998 and the parliamentary standing committee on Local Government & Rural Development (LGRD) ministry, which is now scrutinizing the bill, has, reportedly, agreed in principle, to make it mandatory for the Upazila Parishads to seek advice from the MPs concerned while running their activities. If a law having such a provision is finally adopted by parliament, there could be troubles between the local MPs and the newly elected Upazila Chairmen. Many newly elected Upazila chairmen have already opposed such a moveturning it as an undemocratic provision.
There is no denying that an MP elected from a certain constituency has to fulfil some electoral promises such as building of roads, culverts, mosques and schools and colleges. But to help fulfil MPs' pledges, the incorporation of a provision that deprives an elected body of its natural right to run its own affairs independently is not justified. The people would expect that the present democratic government would understand the necessity of having a strong and dynamic LG system. Taking the 'mood' of the people at the grassroots into utmost consideration, it should therefore, start the work of transforming the LG bodies into truly independent and powerful entities. Sufficient development funds should also be made available to them in the next budget.
In this backdrop, it would be worthwhile to note here that participants at a recent workshop organised jointly by the World Bank and the Swiss Development Corporation (SDC) in Dhaka have highlighted the need for adequately empowering the LG bodies while admitting the fact that the task is daunting. The recent developments over the enactment of an act relating to the constitution and operations of Upazilas (sub-districts), an important tier of the country's LG system, bear testimony to this. Though the Upazila system was introduced in the eighties to create a class of political cronies of the then authoritarian regime at the field level. The relevant ordinance then gave sufficient powers to the elected Upazila Parishads (sub-district councils) and the lawmakers had no lawful role in their day-to-day activities. However, the Upazila system was abolished after BNP's coming to power in 1991.
Later, the Awami League (AL), being voted to power in 1996, adopted a law for the reintroduction of the Upazila system after realising the fact the decision to scrap the system had not gone well with the people at the grassroots. However, it incorporated a provision in the new Upazila law that made the Members of the Parliament (MPs) of the respective Upazilas more powerful than the elected Upazila Parishads. Since the AL government or the next BNP-led four party alliance party did not hold elections during their respective tenures, the power struggle between the MPs and the Upazila Parishads had not surfaced. The immediate past caretaker government promulgated an ordinance rescinding the provision that had made 'listening' to the MPs' 'advice' mandatory for the Upazila Parishads. However, the ordinance in question lost its effectiveness since it was not tabled in the first session of the present parliament within the constitutionally mandated time.
The government has now tabled a bill seeking to revive the now defunct Upazila Parishad Act of 1998 and the parliamentary standing committee on Local Government & Rural Development (LGRD) ministry, which is now scrutinizing the bill, has, reportedly, agreed in principle, to make it mandatory for the Upazila Parishads to seek advice from the MPs concerned while running their activities. If a law having such a provision is finally adopted by parliament, there could be troubles between the local MPs and the newly elected Upazila Chairmen. Many newly elected Upazila chairmen have already opposed such a moveturning it as an undemocratic provision.
There is no denying that an MP elected from a certain constituency has to fulfil some electoral promises such as building of roads, culverts, mosques and schools and colleges. But to help fulfil MPs' pledges, the incorporation of a provision that deprives an elected body of its natural right to run its own affairs independently is not justified. The people would expect that the present democratic government would understand the necessity of having a strong and dynamic LG system. Taking the 'mood' of the people at the grassroots into utmost consideration, it should therefore, start the work of transforming the LG bodies into truly independent and powerful entities. Sufficient development funds should also be made available to them in the next budget.