In quest of new leaders
Sunday, 22 July 2007
M.I. Ali
THE top agenda of the principals of One Eleven is to bring about a change in the dictatorial and autocratic character of the two major political parties who dominate the politics of the country. The preferred way of bringing about this change seems to be to remove the two paramount heads, who now enjoy total dictatorial powers over their parties, and allow new, democratic leadership to take over.
This idea was enthusiastically endorsed by some of the lesser leaders who have taken upon themselves the task of democratising their parties. The administration, despite the restrictions on political activities in the country, is allowing these leaders to do whatever is politically necessary to implement their reform plans.
After initial success of bringing together some party stalwarts to carry forward the reform plans, and despite the media hype in support of the reformists, the response from the grassroot activists appears to be less than lukewarm.
This is very confusing for the administration because while, on the one hand, there is groundswell support for the administration's anti-corruption activities and moves to democratise the political system of the country, the grass root workers, who represent the actual masses, do not appear, on the other hand, to be too enthusiastic about getting rid of their present-party chiefs.
Thus initially, when the reform activities were limited to drawing room dialogues in Dhaka, the two beleaguered leaders appeared to be weak and on the verge of being rendered irrelevant in terms of national politics.
Reformist leaders of both parties read out their reform proposals one after another and the stage was set to make the necessary arrangements to hold their party conventions to formalise their plans.
These leaders then began to contact the grassroot workers and this is when they suffered the setbacks, blemished or otherwise, the grassroot leaders seemed to be unwilling to cast aside their Chairperson and President in favour of lesser mortals.
This reaction is understandable only when one tries to take into account what these two leaders represent to their followers and supporters.
To the average Awami Leaguer, Sheikh Hasina is the protector of secularism, the India-Bangladesh Friendship Treaty and the Bangabandhu Cult. Followers of the Cult occupy prominent positions in the society and can be seen on almost all talk-shows in all TV channels where they are very vocal about protecting and propagating their beliefs.
Although in the minority, the strength of their conviction can be intimidating to most of those who do not share their views.
These people draw their strength and support from Sheikh Hasina and do not feel that their creed would be safe in the hands of people who can be persuaded to oppose her. This is also the view of most grassroot Awami Leaguers and, therefore, the reformists of that party are losing grounds to conformists who have the support their present-party president.
Similar is the case with the reformists of BNP. The grassroot BNP follower know that Khaleda Zia will never be intimidated by the pro-Awami League intelligentsia and their liberal Islamic right of centre politics is safe in her strong hands.
It may be noted here that the Six-Point Programme of the Awami League which the people supported giving that party the historical victory in 1970 and the subsequent conflict that led to the War of Liberation, did not contain anything about secularism or for that matter, socialism. The Six-Pionts of Awami League were economic and security doctrines and are reproduced below for the information of the reader:
1. The Constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in the true sense on the basis of the Lahore Resolution and for a parliamentary form of government based on the supremacy of a directly elected legislature on the basis of universal adult franchise.
2. The Federal Government shall deal with only two subjects; Defense and Foreign Affairs. All residuary subjects will be vested in the federating states.
3. There should be either two separate, freely convertible currencies for the two Wings, or one currency with two separate reserve banks to prevent inter-wing flight of capital.
4. The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units. The Federal Government will receive a share to meet its financial obligations.
5. Economic disparities between the two Wings shall disappear through a series of economic, fiscal, and legal reforms.
6. A militia or paramilitary force must be created in East Pakistan, which at present has no defense of its own.
Grass-root supporters of BNP feel that alien philosophies and ideas, such as socialism, secularism, etc., are being imposed on the people of this country in the name of the War of Liberation which was fought on the basis of the Six Points and only Khaleda Zia is strong enough to resist them.
Corruption in this country is a serious problem but to the average BNP supporter, dominance by the Indophiles is an even greater threat to their life and lifestyle.
Although the average BNP supporters are not communal, to them secularism means the imposition of a culture that denies the fact that Muslims have been in this country for more than eight hundred years and that during this period they have developed their independent culture, society and lifestyle which has existed in harmony with other religions and cultures.
The reformists are unfortunately those same people who have meekly followed their party chiefs for years and years and have never had the guts to disagree or protest when all the wrong doings were taking place.
They are good followers who had vested all executive powers in their respective leaders, not the strong leadership that is expected in Awami League and BNP, the kind of leadership that Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia gave them.
Leadership can not be imposed on parties like Awami League and BNP, it has to grow from within. Unfortunately neither Hasina nor Khaleda allowed this to happen.
There is an opportunity now to build new leadership in both the parties and for that purpose democratic elections should be held by both Awami League and Bangladesh Nationalist Party at the upazila, district, division and at the national levels to elect the people who will lead their respective parties to the next national elections. Anything short of this will be artificial and is unlikely to succeed.
THE top agenda of the principals of One Eleven is to bring about a change in the dictatorial and autocratic character of the two major political parties who dominate the politics of the country. The preferred way of bringing about this change seems to be to remove the two paramount heads, who now enjoy total dictatorial powers over their parties, and allow new, democratic leadership to take over.
This idea was enthusiastically endorsed by some of the lesser leaders who have taken upon themselves the task of democratising their parties. The administration, despite the restrictions on political activities in the country, is allowing these leaders to do whatever is politically necessary to implement their reform plans.
After initial success of bringing together some party stalwarts to carry forward the reform plans, and despite the media hype in support of the reformists, the response from the grassroot activists appears to be less than lukewarm.
This is very confusing for the administration because while, on the one hand, there is groundswell support for the administration's anti-corruption activities and moves to democratise the political system of the country, the grass root workers, who represent the actual masses, do not appear, on the other hand, to be too enthusiastic about getting rid of their present-party chiefs.
Thus initially, when the reform activities were limited to drawing room dialogues in Dhaka, the two beleaguered leaders appeared to be weak and on the verge of being rendered irrelevant in terms of national politics.
Reformist leaders of both parties read out their reform proposals one after another and the stage was set to make the necessary arrangements to hold their party conventions to formalise their plans.
These leaders then began to contact the grassroot workers and this is when they suffered the setbacks, blemished or otherwise, the grassroot leaders seemed to be unwilling to cast aside their Chairperson and President in favour of lesser mortals.
This reaction is understandable only when one tries to take into account what these two leaders represent to their followers and supporters.
To the average Awami Leaguer, Sheikh Hasina is the protector of secularism, the India-Bangladesh Friendship Treaty and the Bangabandhu Cult. Followers of the Cult occupy prominent positions in the society and can be seen on almost all talk-shows in all TV channels where they are very vocal about protecting and propagating their beliefs.
Although in the minority, the strength of their conviction can be intimidating to most of those who do not share their views.
These people draw their strength and support from Sheikh Hasina and do not feel that their creed would be safe in the hands of people who can be persuaded to oppose her. This is also the view of most grassroot Awami Leaguers and, therefore, the reformists of that party are losing grounds to conformists who have the support their present-party president.
Similar is the case with the reformists of BNP. The grassroot BNP follower know that Khaleda Zia will never be intimidated by the pro-Awami League intelligentsia and their liberal Islamic right of centre politics is safe in her strong hands.
It may be noted here that the Six-Point Programme of the Awami League which the people supported giving that party the historical victory in 1970 and the subsequent conflict that led to the War of Liberation, did not contain anything about secularism or for that matter, socialism. The Six-Pionts of Awami League were economic and security doctrines and are reproduced below for the information of the reader:
1. The Constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in the true sense on the basis of the Lahore Resolution and for a parliamentary form of government based on the supremacy of a directly elected legislature on the basis of universal adult franchise.
2. The Federal Government shall deal with only two subjects; Defense and Foreign Affairs. All residuary subjects will be vested in the federating states.
3. There should be either two separate, freely convertible currencies for the two Wings, or one currency with two separate reserve banks to prevent inter-wing flight of capital.
4. The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units. The Federal Government will receive a share to meet its financial obligations.
5. Economic disparities between the two Wings shall disappear through a series of economic, fiscal, and legal reforms.
6. A militia or paramilitary force must be created in East Pakistan, which at present has no defense of its own.
Grass-root supporters of BNP feel that alien philosophies and ideas, such as socialism, secularism, etc., are being imposed on the people of this country in the name of the War of Liberation which was fought on the basis of the Six Points and only Khaleda Zia is strong enough to resist them.
Corruption in this country is a serious problem but to the average BNP supporter, dominance by the Indophiles is an even greater threat to their life and lifestyle.
Although the average BNP supporters are not communal, to them secularism means the imposition of a culture that denies the fact that Muslims have been in this country for more than eight hundred years and that during this period they have developed their independent culture, society and lifestyle which has existed in harmony with other religions and cultures.
The reformists are unfortunately those same people who have meekly followed their party chiefs for years and years and have never had the guts to disagree or protest when all the wrong doings were taking place.
They are good followers who had vested all executive powers in their respective leaders, not the strong leadership that is expected in Awami League and BNP, the kind of leadership that Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia gave them.
Leadership can not be imposed on parties like Awami League and BNP, it has to grow from within. Unfortunately neither Hasina nor Khaleda allowed this to happen.
There is an opportunity now to build new leadership in both the parties and for that purpose democratic elections should be held by both Awami League and Bangladesh Nationalist Party at the upazila, district, division and at the national levels to elect the people who will lead their respective parties to the next national elections. Anything short of this will be artificial and is unlikely to succeed.