Long road to real democracy

In 1989, all the political parties in varying degrees were unitedly struggling against the authoritarian rule of H M Ershad. When the movement peaked that year and the autocrat was about to be toppled, they signed a declaration amongst themselves called the all parties declaration. The declaration was aimed to appeal to the imagination of the people and tell them in plain terms what they would achieve from the toppling of autocracy. Among other things, it pledged unequivocally to establish the full independence of the judiciary through separation of powers of the organs of government, repeal of all black laws repugnant to fundamental freedoms and effective autonomy for the government-controlled media. But subsequent history proved to be different. Although the autocrat himself had repealed the Special Powers Act (SPA) in his last days, the most despised of the black laws (very probably for his own convenience), the votaries of democracy who replaced the autocrat all found it worth their while to retain the SPA in its original form and to wield it just like in the past notwithstanding its essential anti-human rights attributes. The promises, particularly in respect of the independence of the judiciary, were also conveniently forgotten. Both the Awami League and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the parties whose leaders were signatories to that famous declaration and who ruled over Bangladesh throughout the last two decades , seemed not conscience bitten for not redeeming their pledges. Freedom of the press is not encouraged when government ministers vilify newsmen like common criminals in the public view. The same may only lead to newsmen feeling intimidated to do their jobs fairly, impartially or correctly. One minister was seen in cable television recently where he thundered that the media is practically dishing out all rubbish about the state of the economy. According to him, the economy of the country has been never so good as now; he seemed to criticise the media on the occasion, rather hashly. Another minister was quoted in the press for telling recently that news people were worse than dishonest businessmen. The blast was thought to be linked to media reports on a group of companies or its alleged links to the share market scandals and for alleged irregularities in obtaining licenses for quick rental power plants. The group was reported as part of the family business of the same minister. Allegedly, even journalists in the rank of editors have been imprisoned recently for suggesting that the court systems of the country are under the government's influence or court orders in the areas of extraordinary public interest seem to be delivered just in line with what the government wants. Media reported that eight media persons were slain last year; the killings are considered to be linked to politics and their bold unraveling of truths. Media reports also mentioned about 300 newsmen who were variously harmed physically last year allegedly by young cadres of the two front organizations of the most dominant party in the country's present political power matrix A notion is gaining ground that law is only on the side of the present political establishment. A great many number of cases started earlier against members of that particular political party or its supporters in recent years have been withdrawn by the government. Even some convicted criminals including ones for murders and serving sentences were pardoned by the President on grounds of their overt or covert links to the present political establishment. But such favours have probably been extended only to one or two individuals belonging to the opposition political camp and that, too, probably only to stave off criticism about " pardons" being extended by the present political establishment only to its own camp followers. Government remains under criticism for its beating down signs of political dissent with hard application of police power. Recently, according to media reports, police and cadres of the student and youth front organisations that are politically favoured by the establishment swooped down on a meeting of the youth front of the main opposition party, in an incident in which 150 workers and supporters of the latter were wounded with bullets from firing, according to press reports. The US Department of State's periodic review of human rights in various countries, underlined in its Bangladesh section that violence against opposition political elements had increased by 18 per cent last year. The rate would be found higher, so far, this year. The political parties in Bangladesh will need sweeping reforms in the first place for these to become the suitable vehicles of democracy. Ironically, democracy does not exist in the political parties of Bangladesh. Most of them, specially the main ones, are one individual-centric. Leaders are hardly elected on the basis of merit, discussion or free voting. Rather, the leaders superimpose themselves on the parties because of extra-ordinary privilege that they enjoy as being unequals among the equals for reasons of their relationships with famous persons who once were supreme in running the affairs of these parties. Political parties in Bangladesh continue to be dominated by cult and family. The services of competent and enlightened members of civil society at the highest positions of these parties are practically barred. As long as the real democratisaion of the political parties does not take place, it would be futile to expect that the leaders of such parties would behave democratically in parliament or, more importantly, promote genuine interests of the people, instead of their coterie interests. Bangladesh must attempt and achieve major reforms in its political culture, in its political institutions and in strengthening and empowering its democratic institutions. The socio-economic benefits that its people expect to come from a democratic way of life, will remain as elusive goals as ever until such reforms are actually carried out.