Remembering Asad at his birthplace
Monday, 11 February 2008
Muhammad Quamrul Islam
A WEEK before 40th Asad Day, January 20, I received an invitation from 'Shahid Asad Dibash Udjapan Committee 2008' (Martyr Asad Day Observance Committee 2008) to speak on Asad at a discussion at Hatirdia Raziuddin Degree College in the neighbouring district of Narsingdi.
I am 67. And I hesitated, not feeling well to go out of Dhaka, in spite of my deep commitments to Asad. Shamsuzzaman Milan reacted, "You are quite fit and should not feel unwell". Then I decided, I would go. "Give me a reminder on that day", I told him, which he did. I am thankful to him. Might be, I lost heart, fighting odds, over the years.
Do we remember what was 1969 mass upsurge to liberation of Bangladesh? Do we remember that the upsurge stood for an exploitation free society for Bangladesh? Do we remember how Asad's martyrdom transformed the ongoing sporadic agitations by students into a mass upsurge? And, what followed after emergence of free Bangladesh in 1971?
I started from Dhaka with engineer Sheikh Muhammad Shahidullah, at 9 am in his car, as scheduled and reached the venue at Hatirdia at 3.30 pm on the day. Milan and others, after attending a programme in Dhaka in the morning, accompanied us. Thanks to all of them. On the way, we discussed various issues, personal as well as political. Dr. Mazed took five national dailies including one in English. I read them all and, at times, could not but feel uncomfortable at the partisan treatment of issues. Earlier, in the morning I read Prothom Alo, which remains busy organising and reporting roundtables. What can one do except to increase the level of one's patience. But at times one finds it hard to keep it. As at the discussion on Asad at Hatirdia I called a spade a spade, I feel it duty bound to share any feelings with the readers.
The local speakers said it was for the first time that Asad Day was being observed at Hatirdia, his birthplace, and once a centre of a historic peasant movement. I felt quite happy about it. Asad Day is regularly observed in Dhaka mainly for media coverage. Various organisations observed Asad Day each year during the three and a half decades of existence of independent Bangladesh but to what effect? To the question, "can anyone spot the spirit of Asad anywhere?" 'No', was the common answer of all who spoke at Hatirdia. Observance of the day is organised for personal aggrandisement. Some even did not hesitate to exploit the name of Asad to take benefits from ruling regimes of the day. They were close to Asad at personal and political levels. I requested the journalists present to write what I said.
The ongoing purge against corruption can be described as a new start for us. Let it sustain itself. The national dailies reported on January 20 that, in separate messages, President Iajuddin Ahmed and Chief Adviser Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed expressed their deep regards to the memory of Shahid Asad. BNP Standing Committee Member and former minister Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan said Shahid Asad would remain a source of inspiration to struggling people of Bangladesh.
I came to know Asad late in the 1960's, I recounted at the discussion. Our batch mate, politician Mohiuddin Ahmed introduced Asad to us. 'Paltan Group', as we were known, for spending our evenings at the Paltan Maidan, to meet and discuss various issues. We were working, having passed out of Dhaka University in 1961.
Asad impressed me at the very first meeting. He had just joined the peasant movement after doing his MA from the same university. Then onwards, he used to visit us, at our meeting venue, the Paltan Maidan. He felt at ease, discussing the burning issues of the day. We were known for our leanings towards the National Awami Party [NAP], founded by Maulana Bhashani in 1957 with the objectives of establishment of an exploitation free society as well as achievement of regional autonomy, and democracy.
The news of Asad's martyrdom shocked the nation. We could not believe it. He was much younger to us. His martyrdom transformed the on going agitations for democracy into mass movement, into a battle cry for independence of Bangladesh. He stood for economic emancipation of the toiling people. Bangladesh achieved independence. But his dream remains unfulfilled.
Life of an budding leader was abruptly cut short. He would not have faltered in post-liberation Bangladesh. Neither his seniors nor his juniors could match him in words or deeds. It is easy to blame others. The senior leaders of the communist left fell apart due to party splits, allegedly caused by conflicting interests at home and abroad. NAP failed to do anything comparable to what even the left democratic front has done in the Indian province of West Bengal. They cannot get even one per cent of the votes in Bangladesh. Why do they keep their banners or offices, year after year, and at what costs? Is it for the selfish purposes of a few? Could Asad think of the sort of politico-bureaucratic nexus? Could he ever think that his near and dear ones would one day encash his name? Would the beneficiaries answer?
It was encouraging to hear that many including Asad's comrades and friends were keen to speak on him. But due to time constraint the chair could not accommodate them all.
I suggested for a commemorative publication on Asad covering the untold, unknown aspects of his life as a peasant and left leader for the benefit of the new generation. Asad was a product of Hatirdia hat [rural market] movement, that took place at the call of the late leader of the oppressed masses, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani. It had begun on December 29, 1968. The committee 2008 made a request to all to do something to keep alive the memories of three farmers, Hasan Ali, Miachan and Siddique master, all of whom embraced martyrdom in the peasant movement.
Can anyone find any trace of that movement influencing development programmes for the benefit of the peasantry in post liberation Bangladesh? The ideas have been hijacked by foreign funded NGOs. They talk about land reforms and development under various slogans. They actually want the basic problems to remain unsolved so that they can continue to exploit them in their seminars and for tours abroad. Agricultural wings of various political parties destroyed the very spirit of the peasant movement. They also helped, one way or the other, the encroachments or grabbing of agricultural land for non-agricultural uses. They are equally responsible for land dispute cases lingering before courts, for dispossessing the poor owners to make them poorer. They contributed to a spate of land grabbings and the growing landlessness.
Asad's friends and neighbours spoke to evaluate him. Among them were, Principal Aurangazeb Yakub, Prof Abdul Mannan Khan, Lieutenant Colonel (retd) Zoynul Abedin and the committee convener, Principal Tofazzal Hossain Bhuiyan who chaired the discussion, besides many others. Everyone said it is not enough to remember him on occasions. Prof Khan said, over the decades we took the wrong path. The reality is quite sad. We need to eradicate corruption, and ensure basic needs of the toiling masses. Principal Yakub wanted to know did we take the preparations for doing what should have been done?
Quite pertinently a question was asked time and again, "Did we fight for independence to be able to go abroad?" The elite own houses in developed countries. Their children are settled abroad or study there. The low income groups or the poor, finding no opportunities to earn a living at home, have to sell all they have to buy visas, to be able to go abroad to earn their bread. The hassles they face, at home or abroad is reported from time to time by the newspapers. But it is their remittances, which sweel the foreign exchange reserve. It is from their remittances that various expenses of the country are met. Much of their money, due to lack of planning is spent for non productive purposes as well.
Why 'Bangladesh First Bangladesh 2025' holds seminars at posh hotels spending so much money? Is it for solving the problems facing the poor? At whose cost? What is the progress so far no one knows. The difference since 2006 has been only a change in the line up of speakers and guests. Why?
Once again I thank friends of Asad who still dream of an exploitation free society for the fellow countrymen.
The writer is a senior citizen and Advocate, Supreme Court of Bangladesh
A WEEK before 40th Asad Day, January 20, I received an invitation from 'Shahid Asad Dibash Udjapan Committee 2008' (Martyr Asad Day Observance Committee 2008) to speak on Asad at a discussion at Hatirdia Raziuddin Degree College in the neighbouring district of Narsingdi.
I am 67. And I hesitated, not feeling well to go out of Dhaka, in spite of my deep commitments to Asad. Shamsuzzaman Milan reacted, "You are quite fit and should not feel unwell". Then I decided, I would go. "Give me a reminder on that day", I told him, which he did. I am thankful to him. Might be, I lost heart, fighting odds, over the years.
Do we remember what was 1969 mass upsurge to liberation of Bangladesh? Do we remember that the upsurge stood for an exploitation free society for Bangladesh? Do we remember how Asad's martyrdom transformed the ongoing sporadic agitations by students into a mass upsurge? And, what followed after emergence of free Bangladesh in 1971?
I started from Dhaka with engineer Sheikh Muhammad Shahidullah, at 9 am in his car, as scheduled and reached the venue at Hatirdia at 3.30 pm on the day. Milan and others, after attending a programme in Dhaka in the morning, accompanied us. Thanks to all of them. On the way, we discussed various issues, personal as well as political. Dr. Mazed took five national dailies including one in English. I read them all and, at times, could not but feel uncomfortable at the partisan treatment of issues. Earlier, in the morning I read Prothom Alo, which remains busy organising and reporting roundtables. What can one do except to increase the level of one's patience. But at times one finds it hard to keep it. As at the discussion on Asad at Hatirdia I called a spade a spade, I feel it duty bound to share any feelings with the readers.
The local speakers said it was for the first time that Asad Day was being observed at Hatirdia, his birthplace, and once a centre of a historic peasant movement. I felt quite happy about it. Asad Day is regularly observed in Dhaka mainly for media coverage. Various organisations observed Asad Day each year during the three and a half decades of existence of independent Bangladesh but to what effect? To the question, "can anyone spot the spirit of Asad anywhere?" 'No', was the common answer of all who spoke at Hatirdia. Observance of the day is organised for personal aggrandisement. Some even did not hesitate to exploit the name of Asad to take benefits from ruling regimes of the day. They were close to Asad at personal and political levels. I requested the journalists present to write what I said.
The ongoing purge against corruption can be described as a new start for us. Let it sustain itself. The national dailies reported on January 20 that, in separate messages, President Iajuddin Ahmed and Chief Adviser Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed expressed their deep regards to the memory of Shahid Asad. BNP Standing Committee Member and former minister Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan said Shahid Asad would remain a source of inspiration to struggling people of Bangladesh.
I came to know Asad late in the 1960's, I recounted at the discussion. Our batch mate, politician Mohiuddin Ahmed introduced Asad to us. 'Paltan Group', as we were known, for spending our evenings at the Paltan Maidan, to meet and discuss various issues. We were working, having passed out of Dhaka University in 1961.
Asad impressed me at the very first meeting. He had just joined the peasant movement after doing his MA from the same university. Then onwards, he used to visit us, at our meeting venue, the Paltan Maidan. He felt at ease, discussing the burning issues of the day. We were known for our leanings towards the National Awami Party [NAP], founded by Maulana Bhashani in 1957 with the objectives of establishment of an exploitation free society as well as achievement of regional autonomy, and democracy.
The news of Asad's martyrdom shocked the nation. We could not believe it. He was much younger to us. His martyrdom transformed the on going agitations for democracy into mass movement, into a battle cry for independence of Bangladesh. He stood for economic emancipation of the toiling people. Bangladesh achieved independence. But his dream remains unfulfilled.
Life of an budding leader was abruptly cut short. He would not have faltered in post-liberation Bangladesh. Neither his seniors nor his juniors could match him in words or deeds. It is easy to blame others. The senior leaders of the communist left fell apart due to party splits, allegedly caused by conflicting interests at home and abroad. NAP failed to do anything comparable to what even the left democratic front has done in the Indian province of West Bengal. They cannot get even one per cent of the votes in Bangladesh. Why do they keep their banners or offices, year after year, and at what costs? Is it for the selfish purposes of a few? Could Asad think of the sort of politico-bureaucratic nexus? Could he ever think that his near and dear ones would one day encash his name? Would the beneficiaries answer?
It was encouraging to hear that many including Asad's comrades and friends were keen to speak on him. But due to time constraint the chair could not accommodate them all.
I suggested for a commemorative publication on Asad covering the untold, unknown aspects of his life as a peasant and left leader for the benefit of the new generation. Asad was a product of Hatirdia hat [rural market] movement, that took place at the call of the late leader of the oppressed masses, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani. It had begun on December 29, 1968. The committee 2008 made a request to all to do something to keep alive the memories of three farmers, Hasan Ali, Miachan and Siddique master, all of whom embraced martyrdom in the peasant movement.
Can anyone find any trace of that movement influencing development programmes for the benefit of the peasantry in post liberation Bangladesh? The ideas have been hijacked by foreign funded NGOs. They talk about land reforms and development under various slogans. They actually want the basic problems to remain unsolved so that they can continue to exploit them in their seminars and for tours abroad. Agricultural wings of various political parties destroyed the very spirit of the peasant movement. They also helped, one way or the other, the encroachments or grabbing of agricultural land for non-agricultural uses. They are equally responsible for land dispute cases lingering before courts, for dispossessing the poor owners to make them poorer. They contributed to a spate of land grabbings and the growing landlessness.
Asad's friends and neighbours spoke to evaluate him. Among them were, Principal Aurangazeb Yakub, Prof Abdul Mannan Khan, Lieutenant Colonel (retd) Zoynul Abedin and the committee convener, Principal Tofazzal Hossain Bhuiyan who chaired the discussion, besides many others. Everyone said it is not enough to remember him on occasions. Prof Khan said, over the decades we took the wrong path. The reality is quite sad. We need to eradicate corruption, and ensure basic needs of the toiling masses. Principal Yakub wanted to know did we take the preparations for doing what should have been done?
Quite pertinently a question was asked time and again, "Did we fight for independence to be able to go abroad?" The elite own houses in developed countries. Their children are settled abroad or study there. The low income groups or the poor, finding no opportunities to earn a living at home, have to sell all they have to buy visas, to be able to go abroad to earn their bread. The hassles they face, at home or abroad is reported from time to time by the newspapers. But it is their remittances, which sweel the foreign exchange reserve. It is from their remittances that various expenses of the country are met. Much of their money, due to lack of planning is spent for non productive purposes as well.
Why 'Bangladesh First Bangladesh 2025' holds seminars at posh hotels spending so much money? Is it for solving the problems facing the poor? At whose cost? What is the progress so far no one knows. The difference since 2006 has been only a change in the line up of speakers and guests. Why?
Once again I thank friends of Asad who still dream of an exploitation free society for the fellow countrymen.
The writer is a senior citizen and Advocate, Supreme Court of Bangladesh