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Space for women in politics and public affairs

Mashiur Rahman | Sunday, 9 March 2014


Democracy in Bangladesh is resurrected and led by women. Democracy was strangulated to death with the assassination of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujbur Rahman (August 15, 1975), and assumption of power successively by the military. Sheikh Hasina led the movement against military authoritarianism. Begum Khaleda Zia, until then a military strongman's widow and housewife, made her debut in politics, joining the movement.
RIGHT UNDER CLASSICAL LIBERALISM: The Constitution grants equal protection to men and women under law, and forbids discrimination on grounds of sex as well as religion, race, caste, or place of birth. Women have equal rights with men in all spheres of the State and of public life. Right to equal protection derives from classical liberalism, i.e. the rights of an individual, man or woman, shall not be violated by another individual or the authority of the state except for infringements on the rights of another individual. In fact, the state authority safeguards those rights. (Article 27 and 28 of the Constitution). These are negative rights, to use Isaiah Berlin's category.
POSITIVE SOCIAL RIGHTS: However, the State can take special measures for women or children as for any backward section of citizens. The constitutional stipulation points to a regime of social rights, which are further elaborated in the Fundamental Principles of State Policy (Article 28(4), Part II of the Constitution). Of special relevance are the articles as regards the State's obligations for the provision of basic necessity, free and compulsory education to a stage as may be determined by law, equality of opportunity to all citizens, and adoption of measures to remove social and economic inequality among citizens. (Artcles 15, 17 and 19)
The Fundamental Principles of State Policies list a set of positive rights, to use Isaiah Berlin's category again. The Fundamental Principles of State Policies are fundamental to governance. They apply to making of laws, interpretation of law, and form the basis of work of the State. The Constitution stipulates that the Fundamental Principles of State Policy 'shall not be judicially enforceable' [(Art 8(2)].
As maintained by courts in many cases, the limit on judicial enforcement makes a distinction between policymaking and adjudication. Policies require resources, planning, preparation, administrative capacity, and so on. The Principles deal with substantive issues of equality, justice and fairness - and impose obligations on the State. The 'unenforceability condition' points to the seriousness that attends - or should attend - public policymaking. (M. Islam, Constitutional Law of Bangladesh, 2012, pp. 74-7).
In addition and importantly, policies entail 'public reasoning'. There is no uniquely given right or best policy. It emerges from articulation by contending groups and, in a democracy, by public judgment. The debate on policies continues throughout the period that a party runs the government and is up for public judgment at elections.  
AFFIRMATIVE AND TRANSFER PROGRAMMES: The government runs a variety of programmes targeting women such as maternity allowances for women and lactating women, daycare centres for working women, skill training, micro-credit, and dormitories for working women. The government has also taken up housing for female workers. The Vulnerable Group Development (VGD) is a rural public works programme which employs women with low skill and is combined with skill training and microcredit which leads to self-employment.
EDUCATION FOR CAPABILITY DEVELOPMENT: Significant achievements have been made in primary and secondary education, helped by stipend programmes for girls and subvention for teachers. Gross and net enrolment ratios for both boys and girls at the primary level are respectively 104.4 and 96.7; gross and net enrolments for girls (107.6 and net 98.1) exceed those of boys (gross 101.3 & net 95.4) (BANBEIS, Bangladesh Educational Statistics 2012, p. 32)
At the secondary level, gross and adjusted net enrolment ratios are respectively 64.05 and 59.04 (includes schools, madrassa and vocational training). Both gross and adjusted net enrolment ratios for girls (71.31 and 65.27) are significantly higher than those of boys (57.37 and 53.31). The data for schools show a higher completion rate for boys (59.56) than that for girls (48.17). (ibid., pp. 32-3)
The dropout rate of girls is higher than that of boys at the secondary level and rises as they move to higher grades (Grades VI-X). Dropout peaks in the eighth grade (19.38) and tenth grade (23.67); dropout varies from 5.62 to 9.12 for rest of the grades. [ibid, pp. 32-3] The peaking of dropout in eighth and tenth grade seems to be related with growing up. In any event, this needs further enquiry and steps for prevention.
However, the good news is that completion rate of girls at the secondary level is improving, which will lead to higher enrollment and completion at the tertiary level and professional education as well as in employment. Data from many Muslim countries, for example, Malaysia and Indonesia, show that more women get higher education and rise in job hierarchy as development takes place. Unequal position of women seems to be more a manifestation of under-development than social or religious custom.    
There are secondary schools for girls in urban centres only. There is hardly any girls-only secondary school in the rural areas - virtually all rural secondary schools are co-education. The staffing pattern of rural secondary schools should change responding to increase in girls' enrolment. First, all co-education school should have a Deputy Head Master; either the Head Master or the Deputy Head Master should be a woman. Second, co-education schools should hire more female teachers; preferably half of the teachers should be women. Third, co-education schools should hire sufficient number of female counsellors. The girls in secondary schools go through the age of puberty when they need counselling.
The government has followed a policy focused on capability development and employment for women coupled with income transfer. Income transfer is a necessary component of any social welfare scheme. Policies for capability development are more sustainable and secure empowerment and equality better in the long term.  
SEVER LINKS WITH MEDIEVALISM: There are people who argue that women's role is confined to the household, i.e. looking after the family, bringing up children, etc. According to them, it is enough for women to read up to junior secondary level; higher and professional or technical education for them is 'forbidden'. Given that low level of education of women manifests underdevelopment, they intend to perpetuate the backwardness of the country. They do not wish the people and the country well. The political parties and leaders as well as the civil society opinion-builders will do yeoman's service to the nation by severing links with those preaching medievalism - and publicly denouncing them.     
REPRESENTATION IN PARLIAMENT: Women can compete for the general seats of National Assembly. There are nineteen women in Parliament now who won general seats distributed as follows: Awami League - 15, Jatiya Party - 3, and Jatiya Samajtantric Dal - 1. The Prime Minister and Leader of the House, the Speaker, and the Leader of the Opposition are women. In addition, there are fifty seats reserved for women which are distributed in proportion to the general seats held by the parties. The principle of proportionality allows special representation of women while not affecting the voting weights in Parliament.   
Some people argue that reserved seats prevent women from entering the mainstream politics and that there should be direct election to the reserved seats by women voters only. They overlook the practical problems. Women have not yet attained a position in society that would enable them to contest for general seats widely. The fact that a few women of exceptional quality have made to the top must not conceal the reality. Separate electorate for women would move them away from mainstream politics rather than bridging the gap. Even in the developed countries, fewer women make to the top compared with men.  
REPRESENTATION IN UNION PARISHAD AND UPAZILA PARISHAD:
At Upazila Parishad, one vice-chairman position is reserved for women. As in the case of Parliament, women can contest for the other vice-presidency and president of Upazila Parishad which happens rarely, though.
For Union Parishad, women can contest for general seats; besides, three wards constitute one reserved seat for women member. That is, there is one female member for each three members of a union council. To her disadvantage, a woman needs more resources - political,   organisational and financial - three times as much as a man if not more - for election to a reserved seat.
PROPORTIONAL ELECTORAL SYSTEM AT UNION AND UPAZILA LEVELS: It may be premature but not irrelevant to speculate electoral reforms which can make it equitable and easier for women to take part in upazila and union parishad elections. The simplest reform is to reserve seats for women proportionate to their share of the population - that would reserve about half of the seats for women. The proportion reserved for women may be smaller at the beginning - say 25 per cent - but rise fast. Proportionality can work if parties contest election and propose a panel. Facts prove that local government election on non-party basis is fiction - delusion of people under Ayubian spell!
A more complex reform is to introduce proportional electoral system at union and upazila levels. The main elements of the reforms will be the following:
First, each party shall nominate a mix of men and women as candidates for the councils. This will be a departure from the current law that local government elections are not on party basis.
Second, law may determine the minimum proportions of men and women candidates - say not less than 30-35 per cent from each gender, allowing a party to choose freely for the balance 30-40 per cent. The president and members shall be determined according to the number of votes each candidate gets. The law may start with a lower gender split if the major parties want that but rise fast - and even to equal gender split (i.e. 50:50).
Third, the threshold may be reasonably high - say 10 per cent of registered voters for the parishad or, in case of union parishad, not less than the percentage of the registered voters in one ward - and any party which fails to meet the threshold shall be excluded from representation. This is likely to break narrow localism and narrowly based patron-clientele electoral politics.  
The objection based on novelty and multiplicity of the proposed change may not weigh too heavily. It is used in continental Europe, and has been adopted in the third-wave democracies. UK also uses proportional electoral system for European Parliament and the devolved territories, namely Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. First-past-the-post electoral system (FTP) survives only for election to the UK Commons.  
In UK, The Labour had agreed with the LibDem to consider adoption of proportional electoral system. The Blair government, however, binned Roy Jenkins' recommendations. In coalition with the Tory, LIbDem no longer stresses the electoral system change so much. (Roy Jenkins had been Chancellor and Home Secretary in Wilson cabinets, and later Commissioner in European Commission. He quit Labour Party and formed Social Democratic Party, which later merged with the Liberal Party; the fusion-party is Liberal Democratic Party, abbreviated LibDem Party.)
The proportional electoral system mimics the Germany. In Germany, each voter casts two votes - one for the constituency candidate and one for the party. The threshold is 5 per cent of votes; any party which falls below the threshold does not have a seat in Bundestag, even a candidate who might have won a constituency seat. [Manfred G. Schmidt, Political Institutions in the Federal Republic of Germany, Oxford (2003),2011, pp. 131-3]
The Basic Law (Constitution) of Germany recognises the role of political party in shaping public opinion and policies; the legally recognised parties receive grants from the government to meet expenses including those for political education and social welfare undertakings of the parties; and the anti-constitutional or anti-system parties may be banned by the Constitutional Court. The prominence of parties has generated the view that Germany is 'parteienstaat - i.e. party state'.  [ibid., pp. 46-7]
(The current Bundestag excludes three parties which together got about 12 per cent votes, but each less than the threshold. Among the excluded parties are FDP and Green Party which, though a minor coalition partner, determined whether CDU-CSU or SPD would form government. Currently, Chancellor Angela Merkel heads CDU-CSU & SPD grand coalition government.)  
TWO RESEARCH ISSUES: SHARE OF PUBLIC EXPENDITURE ON WOMEN: Research seems to be still grappling with women's share of public expenditure and their contribution to national income or GDP (Gross Domestic Product). The share of public expenditure focuses on the allocations specifically targeting women. It is better to consider incidence or distribution of use. For example, gross enrolments of girls at primary and secondary schools are higher than those of boys; pro rata, girls appropriate more resources commensurate with enrolments. Also, and more importantly, the major outlays and public investment - say highway, electricity, law and order - cannot be distributed by gender.
TWO RESEARCH ISSUES: WOMEN'S CONTRIBUTION TO GDP:  Estimation of women's share to GDP has to deal with unpaid household work (sometimes measured by hours). This is unlikely to raise the size of GDP. Measurement of home-based production/consumption by imputed wage would be more consistent with National Accounts methodology. However, imputed wage would reduce all wages, including those of men, for labour supply will be much larger now.
The Sarkozy Commission on National Accounts recognised that GDP of OECD (The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development)  countries include 25-35 per cent output having imputed value. This method would raise overall GDP and also attribute a larger share to women. The informal sector, which accounts for about one-third of GDP and employ a large number of women, seems to be under-reported. (The Sarkozy Commission, named after then French President, was headed by Joseph Stiglitz and included Amartya Sen as member.)  
BRAIN VS. BRAWN: Professor Rosenzawig of Yale University has conducted research into physical and mental development of men and women from nutritional intake. The same quantity of nutritional intake is processed into more 'brawn' by men (physical strength) and into more 'brain' (intelligence/intellect) by women. His findings imply correlation of economic development and structural transformation with participation of women in labour force and public life. A knowledge-based economy, both disembodied and bodied, predictably provides better opportunity for women.  (The findings were presented at International Centre for Growth (ICG) seminar. ICG is run jointly by London School of Economics (LSE) and Oxford and draws academics and practitioners from across the world.)
FOUR ELEMENTS OF STRATEGY: It follows that public policy with regard to women should focus on four basic strategies: education and skill development for women; expanded institutional opportunities for their participation in elected bodies and decision making structures; and proactive policies to weaken the social barriers; and accelerated growth and structural transformation of the economy overarching the other strategies.
The strategy should be accompanied by consensus and public action by political leaders and civil society opinion-builders to denounce the medievalists.  
NATASHA'S ALERT: Policymakers should not ignore Natasha Walter's remark: women who rise to the high political offices normalise the political success of women but do not necessarily ensure focus on women's issues. (The New Feminism, London: Virgo, 1999)
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina is different, acutely conscious of those issues and the need for 'activating' policies for women. A prime minister has to attend to the whole range of issues facing a country and can hardly afford to attend to only one set of selected issues. She succeeds by integrating specific issues within the overall framework of governance.
Dr. Mashiur Rahman is Economic Affairs Adviser to the Prime Minister.  manzurul73@gmail.com