The next parliamentary polls and beyond
Friday, 28 November 2008
Muhammad Quamrul Islam
The Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, 1972, which was written after the emergence of sovereign Bangladesh in 1971 in the spirit of Bengali nationalism, comprises territories as per Article2 that constituted East Pakistan. Fourteen amendments have since been made and another one to the constitution in the offing obviously to cover the period from January11, 2007 under the long-running Caretaker Government and Emergency, by next Ninth Parliament to be formed after the coming election. The expectations, as there was no alternative, we had after the one eleven change over, evaporated with the start of current year 2008, gradually lapsing into the past practices of Caretaker Governments as it was introduced by thirteenth amendment 1996.
Why and how Constitution was amended and in whose interests over preceding years is known to the academics. Moreover, why they remained mum about it and for what kind of self-aggrandizement that is itself unknown. And our so-called political leaders? The least said about them is the better! Why the successive Parliaments were ineffective and not been properly addressed by the ongoing reconstituted, reshuffled Caretaker Government (CG)? Well, that is the issue the conscious citizens are wondering about. The CG could not realize why they received people's support, whose sincere labour to carry forward qualitative change in politics since 1991 did make it to happen. By keeping their distance from those real politicians in the name of non- political [non-party] CG, they virtually landed in past- Awami League (AL)-led and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)-led alignments now.
That is obvious as the advisers and their relatives are beneficiaries of any of the two alliances, as evidenced from 1991 and subsequent interventions, unknown before in holding of free fair elections to Parliament. Had Commonwealth formula been considered, when 5th Parliament was in limbo, non-party Caretaker Government would not have been necessary. Time has shown that it has only benefited a set of retired bureaucrats, professors, NGOs, and businessman by turn as advisers in the CG. But no move is visible so far to improve electoral democracy. What is waiting for the present CG? Is CGs under 13th amendment of the constitution f 1996 are really non-partisan? Definitely not, said the concerned, as names of advisers are proposed by the two sides of the political divide. The Cabinet Division presents list of retired bureaucrats. What is the yardstick to select advisers? All these queries would not have arisen if 12th amendment to the constitution passed by BNP and AL for parliamentary government was kept in tact.
That democracy was distracted in early 1990s by the queer concept of CG in 13th amendment. This has been brought to the notice of all parties registered by the Election Commission [EC] so far would to contest the upcoming election 2008, and the international quarters. It is an open secret that they're the persons who matter notwithstanding the cry of CG advisers and others who talk about sovereignty in their own interest and to save their skin from public wrath! As the foreign ambassadors and the diplomats in Dhaka are meeting the CG, Chiefs of AL and BNP, according to reports in the media, we request their Excellencies to take note of this concern of the public. Let the sacrifices made by the millions for independence does not go in vain through self-aggrandizements of the neo-elite.
Although one may say it is internal matter, it is external as well, considering the heavy presence of foreign-funded NGOs in Bangladesh, a with a small territory of 1.43,998 square km and a population of 150 million with long porous borders with the Indian state of West Bengal and other six sister states. One cannot ignore the fact that the peculiar CG system is continuously damaging our past political heritage- a heritage that is intact in neighbouring democratic India. In a globalized world, the concerned countries, the next-door neighbour India, in particular, have responsibility to the teeming millions of Bangladesh. Otherwise, the sub-continent's peace and development will become shaky.
Neither the Party-Government nor Non-Party Caretaker Government proved successful in Bangladesh, for reasons so obvious, but ignored by academics, NGO lords alike, not to speak of political parties, and ex- Caretaker Advisers who speak on the current politics in the media for finding places in the next caretaker government. Actually, leaders of partisan university teachers toe Chief of AL and BNP so much for selfish interest that the campus is hardly ever peaceful. Look, for example, at the Jahangirnagar University at Savar, especially the statement of 375 Dhaka University teachers as published in the media November19, 2008. Though the media does report, it can't launch campaign consistently against vested quarters in the University, as they are dependent on them for their views and columns to fill spaces in dailies. The result is there is campus violence since mid 1970s under a legal cover that allows teachers-students to do partisan politics, which has been proved to be very harmful over past decades.
It has destroyed natural growth of leadership in all fields, so that political and the parties find it difficult to get honest and competent candidates for nominations. This is also true for the coming election as well. Why the university teachers who are so prompt to react on party lines, do not resign and contest the elections with party ticket, if they like? In that case, we could find competent candidates from both sides of the divide and thus rest assured that the next parliament would not be ineffective lie in the past. True, the reconstituted Election Commission by Representation of the Peoples' Order (RPO) has made some improvements by law and those are yet to be executed on those campus. And few have been amended for which we are to wait to see the result as the CG has reached the final days of its tenure. It is really a sad commentary that Dr. Fakhruddin's government could not cleanse the campus which he promised, on whom we had unflinching faith, as he was our Dhaka University batch mate in 1961. He ought to have done it in the spirit of one/eleven 2007. However, his Education and Commerce Adviser as the spokesman of five Advisers of the Caretaker Government is entrusted with the task to deal with political parties. It appears AF Hasan Ariff is not equal to the task of Law Adviser and Dr Hossain Zillur Rahman has been brought in a political arena that was not mindful of his portfolio of Education! One of his contemporaries opines that Zillur has little or no practical political experience of working in a party in the field. His experience in his NGO does not matter. So his 'pre-dialogues' or 'formal dialogues' ended in smoke.
There is no denying the fact that though the Caretaker Government is in office for about two years, no qualitative improvement in politics has taken place, and so the socio- economy. There's also no time left to revive election culture among students through holding elections of the students' unions, though that is abundantly enjoyed by the teachers' association annually. It was for the post-one-eleven Caretaker Government to immediately arrange Students Union election on assumption of office countrywide. But to our utter dismay, they ignored it! Keeping the politicized teachers and students in pre-one-eleven situations without democratic practice, one cannot expect improvement in political culture. In their two years in office, two annual elections of Students Unions throughout the country ought to have been held. Meanwhile, our 1961 batch mate Grameen-famed Nobel Laureate Prof Muhammad Yunus floated a political party styled Nagorik Shakti, but had to retreat. He was advised; think twice the campus situations countrywide before floating a party. Perhaps he wanted to sidetrack this impediment, and thought his one or two batch mate who are in politics were marginalized for other reasons!
Under the circumstances, it was quite natural that the Election schedule announced by the Election Commission will not be taken in good grace by the contestant parties/ alliances. It is told and written by many in the media that parties and alliances are not ideology-based, each seek to ensure electoral victory by any means. After calculation of possible scenario each side takes stand on the polling date, which has been finally settled for December 29, 2008. The questions raised are: will elections to Parliament and Upazilas see competent and honest candidates fielded by parties/ alliances? What would be the outcome of the elections to Ninth Parliament and Upazilas? Will Parliament be ineffective as usual? Will elected MPs refrain from interfering in Upazilas or re-enact what was prevailing under autocratic Ershad regime, as the so-called democratic regime was no different from autocratic regime in practice?
As much time was spent to fix a polling date convenient to each party/alliance, chiefs of alliances led by BNP and Awami League will have little time to spare for finding good candidates. Over and above, there are inner party rivalries in big parties on personal grounds, so much so even tickets issued to candidates is contested. Look at the situation in the AL. See the unrest amongst those who were deprived of nominations. It is because they do politics for power and seek nomination to contest elections and money. Similar is the situation in BNP as reported in the media. What those who feel deprived of nominations would do in elections? Due to lack of political culture a clumsy situation has arisen even at the level of politics in the West Bengal. So, it is difficult to predict if we would be able to come out of the prevailing vicious circle of poverty and politics. Alliances are but electoral sharing of seats based on the candidates grab 'on the respective constituencies. But that is a non-political consideration opposed to democratic values. How many political minded honest party persons have money to contest elections within the limit of Tk 1.5 million admissible under rules even, which Election Commission has missed? Mostly former MPs have got nominations and new faces nominated are the neo-rich. Then, how can we get an effective Parliament? It goes without saying that former MPs of ineffective Parliaments cannot make an effective Parliament.
It is reported that reformists in BNP and AL have been deprived of nominations; personal choices and electoral sharing of seats have inducted old and new faces by parties/alliance. Such attitude of concerned party high commands is anything but democratic. It is all about to be in power, and become minister; nobody has the mindset to be in the opposition! There are as many as 37 parties registered by Election Commission for the upcoming elections, said a political leader, but most of those are lame duck. The 11-party alliance, the so-called joint-front of small parties led by Dr. Baddruduza Chowdhury and Dr. Kamal Hossain, is looking for a seat each under Awami League after being in grand alliance led by Awami League. That such a small party is kept for personal interests of a few persons with no popular basis is known to all, the political leader added. They thrive in political stalemate and ineffective parliament. As such, to remove those impediments to democratic growth, a new political polarization is the need of the hour. Let real reformists take the lead in due course.
The writer is a senior
politician, economist and
columnist
The Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, 1972, which was written after the emergence of sovereign Bangladesh in 1971 in the spirit of Bengali nationalism, comprises territories as per Article2 that constituted East Pakistan. Fourteen amendments have since been made and another one to the constitution in the offing obviously to cover the period from January11, 2007 under the long-running Caretaker Government and Emergency, by next Ninth Parliament to be formed after the coming election. The expectations, as there was no alternative, we had after the one eleven change over, evaporated with the start of current year 2008, gradually lapsing into the past practices of Caretaker Governments as it was introduced by thirteenth amendment 1996.
Why and how Constitution was amended and in whose interests over preceding years is known to the academics. Moreover, why they remained mum about it and for what kind of self-aggrandizement that is itself unknown. And our so-called political leaders? The least said about them is the better! Why the successive Parliaments were ineffective and not been properly addressed by the ongoing reconstituted, reshuffled Caretaker Government (CG)? Well, that is the issue the conscious citizens are wondering about. The CG could not realize why they received people's support, whose sincere labour to carry forward qualitative change in politics since 1991 did make it to happen. By keeping their distance from those real politicians in the name of non- political [non-party] CG, they virtually landed in past- Awami League (AL)-led and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)-led alignments now.
That is obvious as the advisers and their relatives are beneficiaries of any of the two alliances, as evidenced from 1991 and subsequent interventions, unknown before in holding of free fair elections to Parliament. Had Commonwealth formula been considered, when 5th Parliament was in limbo, non-party Caretaker Government would not have been necessary. Time has shown that it has only benefited a set of retired bureaucrats, professors, NGOs, and businessman by turn as advisers in the CG. But no move is visible so far to improve electoral democracy. What is waiting for the present CG? Is CGs under 13th amendment of the constitution f 1996 are really non-partisan? Definitely not, said the concerned, as names of advisers are proposed by the two sides of the political divide. The Cabinet Division presents list of retired bureaucrats. What is the yardstick to select advisers? All these queries would not have arisen if 12th amendment to the constitution passed by BNP and AL for parliamentary government was kept in tact.
That democracy was distracted in early 1990s by the queer concept of CG in 13th amendment. This has been brought to the notice of all parties registered by the Election Commission [EC] so far would to contest the upcoming election 2008, and the international quarters. It is an open secret that they're the persons who matter notwithstanding the cry of CG advisers and others who talk about sovereignty in their own interest and to save their skin from public wrath! As the foreign ambassadors and the diplomats in Dhaka are meeting the CG, Chiefs of AL and BNP, according to reports in the media, we request their Excellencies to take note of this concern of the public. Let the sacrifices made by the millions for independence does not go in vain through self-aggrandizements of the neo-elite.
Although one may say it is internal matter, it is external as well, considering the heavy presence of foreign-funded NGOs in Bangladesh, a with a small territory of 1.43,998 square km and a population of 150 million with long porous borders with the Indian state of West Bengal and other six sister states. One cannot ignore the fact that the peculiar CG system is continuously damaging our past political heritage- a heritage that is intact in neighbouring democratic India. In a globalized world, the concerned countries, the next-door neighbour India, in particular, have responsibility to the teeming millions of Bangladesh. Otherwise, the sub-continent's peace and development will become shaky.
Neither the Party-Government nor Non-Party Caretaker Government proved successful in Bangladesh, for reasons so obvious, but ignored by academics, NGO lords alike, not to speak of political parties, and ex- Caretaker Advisers who speak on the current politics in the media for finding places in the next caretaker government. Actually, leaders of partisan university teachers toe Chief of AL and BNP so much for selfish interest that the campus is hardly ever peaceful. Look, for example, at the Jahangirnagar University at Savar, especially the statement of 375 Dhaka University teachers as published in the media November19, 2008. Though the media does report, it can't launch campaign consistently against vested quarters in the University, as they are dependent on them for their views and columns to fill spaces in dailies. The result is there is campus violence since mid 1970s under a legal cover that allows teachers-students to do partisan politics, which has been proved to be very harmful over past decades.
It has destroyed natural growth of leadership in all fields, so that political and the parties find it difficult to get honest and competent candidates for nominations. This is also true for the coming election as well. Why the university teachers who are so prompt to react on party lines, do not resign and contest the elections with party ticket, if they like? In that case, we could find competent candidates from both sides of the divide and thus rest assured that the next parliament would not be ineffective lie in the past. True, the reconstituted Election Commission by Representation of the Peoples' Order (RPO) has made some improvements by law and those are yet to be executed on those campus. And few have been amended for which we are to wait to see the result as the CG has reached the final days of its tenure. It is really a sad commentary that Dr. Fakhruddin's government could not cleanse the campus which he promised, on whom we had unflinching faith, as he was our Dhaka University batch mate in 1961. He ought to have done it in the spirit of one/eleven 2007. However, his Education and Commerce Adviser as the spokesman of five Advisers of the Caretaker Government is entrusted with the task to deal with political parties. It appears AF Hasan Ariff is not equal to the task of Law Adviser and Dr Hossain Zillur Rahman has been brought in a political arena that was not mindful of his portfolio of Education! One of his contemporaries opines that Zillur has little or no practical political experience of working in a party in the field. His experience in his NGO does not matter. So his 'pre-dialogues' or 'formal dialogues' ended in smoke.
There is no denying the fact that though the Caretaker Government is in office for about two years, no qualitative improvement in politics has taken place, and so the socio- economy. There's also no time left to revive election culture among students through holding elections of the students' unions, though that is abundantly enjoyed by the teachers' association annually. It was for the post-one-eleven Caretaker Government to immediately arrange Students Union election on assumption of office countrywide. But to our utter dismay, they ignored it! Keeping the politicized teachers and students in pre-one-eleven situations without democratic practice, one cannot expect improvement in political culture. In their two years in office, two annual elections of Students Unions throughout the country ought to have been held. Meanwhile, our 1961 batch mate Grameen-famed Nobel Laureate Prof Muhammad Yunus floated a political party styled Nagorik Shakti, but had to retreat. He was advised; think twice the campus situations countrywide before floating a party. Perhaps he wanted to sidetrack this impediment, and thought his one or two batch mate who are in politics were marginalized for other reasons!
Under the circumstances, it was quite natural that the Election schedule announced by the Election Commission will not be taken in good grace by the contestant parties/ alliances. It is told and written by many in the media that parties and alliances are not ideology-based, each seek to ensure electoral victory by any means. After calculation of possible scenario each side takes stand on the polling date, which has been finally settled for December 29, 2008. The questions raised are: will elections to Parliament and Upazilas see competent and honest candidates fielded by parties/ alliances? What would be the outcome of the elections to Ninth Parliament and Upazilas? Will Parliament be ineffective as usual? Will elected MPs refrain from interfering in Upazilas or re-enact what was prevailing under autocratic Ershad regime, as the so-called democratic regime was no different from autocratic regime in practice?
As much time was spent to fix a polling date convenient to each party/alliance, chiefs of alliances led by BNP and Awami League will have little time to spare for finding good candidates. Over and above, there are inner party rivalries in big parties on personal grounds, so much so even tickets issued to candidates is contested. Look at the situation in the AL. See the unrest amongst those who were deprived of nominations. It is because they do politics for power and seek nomination to contest elections and money. Similar is the situation in BNP as reported in the media. What those who feel deprived of nominations would do in elections? Due to lack of political culture a clumsy situation has arisen even at the level of politics in the West Bengal. So, it is difficult to predict if we would be able to come out of the prevailing vicious circle of poverty and politics. Alliances are but electoral sharing of seats based on the candidates grab 'on the respective constituencies. But that is a non-political consideration opposed to democratic values. How many political minded honest party persons have money to contest elections within the limit of Tk 1.5 million admissible under rules even, which Election Commission has missed? Mostly former MPs have got nominations and new faces nominated are the neo-rich. Then, how can we get an effective Parliament? It goes without saying that former MPs of ineffective Parliaments cannot make an effective Parliament.
It is reported that reformists in BNP and AL have been deprived of nominations; personal choices and electoral sharing of seats have inducted old and new faces by parties/alliance. Such attitude of concerned party high commands is anything but democratic. It is all about to be in power, and become minister; nobody has the mindset to be in the opposition! There are as many as 37 parties registered by Election Commission for the upcoming elections, said a political leader, but most of those are lame duck. The 11-party alliance, the so-called joint-front of small parties led by Dr. Baddruduza Chowdhury and Dr. Kamal Hossain, is looking for a seat each under Awami League after being in grand alliance led by Awami League. That such a small party is kept for personal interests of a few persons with no popular basis is known to all, the political leader added. They thrive in political stalemate and ineffective parliament. As such, to remove those impediments to democratic growth, a new political polarization is the need of the hour. Let real reformists take the lead in due course.
The writer is a senior
politician, economist and
columnist