The two ethos of the Army
Tuesday, 1 December 2009
N.M. Harun
"Try to know about the true history of the country. Because, in the past, by inserting untrue information into the textbooks, children and the new generation like you have been confused," Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said while addressing the National Standard Presentation Parade of the East Bengal Regiment of Bangladesh Army at Chittagong Cantonment on November 12, 2009.
I
The month of December harks back to the values that united the people to win independence in 1971. This is also the month to mourn the demise of the national unity, based on those pristine values of the Liberation War - Bengali Nationalism, Democracy, Socialism and Secularism - in 1975. Bangladesh has since been a divided nation.
This is not to say that the people had found an Arcadia in the pre-'75 Bangladesh. Political parties and forces were fighting the government of the day. The government was also ruthless in suppressing opposition to it. But all sides in the power struggle paid allegiance to the original secular-socialist polity that was enshrined in the Constitution as adopted in 1972. The competition was essentially on finding the best way of nation-building on the secular-socialist line.
In 1975, the counter-revolution of August 15 snapped the constitutional and political process. The ghost of Islam-pasand polity, based on Bangladeshi nationalism -- a euphemism of Bengali Muslim nationalism -- was dug out from the sepulchre of the united Pakistan and foisted on secular-socialist Bangladesh. But the revanchist Islam-pasand forces have failed to obliterate from the memories of the people the glories of the War of Independence and also the agonies of the genocide by the Pakistan occupation forces and their local collaborators.
The secular-socialist polity, based on Bengali nationalism, was established through decades-long political struggle, culminating in the War of Independence. The Islam-pasand polity, based on Bangladeshi nationalism, sneaked in through a conspiracy against the government of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founder of independent Bangladesh.
II
The killing of Mujib, along with most of his family members, was the bloodiest part of the August 15 counter-revolution. The counter-revolution did not take place as a result of an open political or military revolt; it was an episode in a conspiracy to overthrow Mujib's government, subvert the Constitution and to banish the secular-socialist polity from the country. But the Bangladeshi Islam-pasand polity that was established in the wake of the conspiracy was politics.
Though related as cause and effect, the August 15 counter-revolution and the Bangladeshi Islam-pasand polity are distinct phenomena. The counter-revolution was an event which took place at a particular juncture of the nation's life. But the Islam-pasand polity is an idea which is rooted in the Pakistani past and will remain relevant -- even if subdued -- until the progressives succeed in reforming the social, cultural and economic base of this retrogressive political ideal.
This truism was forgotten in the euphoria of victory in the War of Independence against Islam-pasand Pakistan. The people in their credulity also thought that the inhumanity of the genocide was an anti-dote to religion-based politics. In less than four years of independence, the Islam-pasand politics of Bangladesh variety usurped secular-socialist Bangladesh of '71. Did all the people who joined the bandwagon of Bangladeshi Islam-pasand politics lose their pride in the War of Independence? Did they stop hating the genocide? Did they condone the brutalities of the August 15 counter-revolution? Not really. Had it been so, the Awami League, under the leadership of Mujib's daughter, Sheikh Hasina would not have returned to power in 1996 and the BNP-Jamaat axis would not have met their Waterloo in the 2008 general election. What happened is that uncritical people signed up for the Islam-pasand politics as an ideal, independent of the War of Independence, the genocide and the killings of August 15. This explains the return of Islam-pasand polity which was defeated in the War of Independence against Pakistan. This also explains the current resurgence of the secular-socialist forces as a result of 34 years of political struggle.
Similarly, the hanging of the killers of Mujib, the due punishment of the perpetrators of November 03, 1975 jail killing, the trial of the war criminals and --even -- the restoration of the 1972 Constitution will be legal and constitutional defeat of the Islam-pasand polity as founded by the August 15 counter-revolution. But any let-up in the struggle against the Islam-pasand politics and complacency in the work for the consolidation of the secular-socialist polity will be suicidal for those who cherish the pristine principles of Bangladesh -- Bengali Nationalism, Democracy, Socialism and Secularism.
III
The Army, that is, the armed forces are an integral part of the saga of the War of Independence. They belonged to the national unity which was achieved through the historic liberation struggle of the Bengali people.
The national unity was destroyed by the August 15, 1975 counter-revolution staged through elements belonging to the Army. The counter-revolution was consolidated by the rise of General Ziaur Rahman through the mutiny of November 07, 1975. Thus, the unity of the Army was first broken and that disunity snowballed into the division of the polity.
The Army, as an institution, is, thus, torn by the conflicting pulls of two legacies -- between the noble legacy of national unity based on the Spirit of '71 and the divisive legacy of the counter-revolution that brought in its wake the retrogressive Bangladeshi Islam-pasand polity.
IV
As the leader of the post-'75 Islam-pasand polity, BNP chairperson and General Zia's political heir, Khaleda Zia always invokes the partisan role of the Army in the November 07 mutiny. The latest occasion was BNP's observance of November 07 Day last month.
On the other hand, as the leader of the pre-'75 secular-socialist polity, Awami League president and Sheikh Mujib's political heir, Sheikh Hasina emphasises on the contribution of the Army in the War of Independence and its institutional role in upholding national sovereignty and unity. Hasina has been aggressively campaigning for the soul of the Army since her return to power, particularly, since the February 25-26 BDR mutiny. She has intensified the campaign since the final phase of executing the death sentence of the killers of Sheikh Mujib began in October. The widely publicised Army Formation Commanders' Conference-2009, held at the Dhaka Cantonment with Hasina in the chair on November 23, was her latest programme with the Army.
The political stability as well as the remoulding of the polity depends crucially on the degree of success Prime Minister Hasina may achieve in her campaign to encourage the Army to re-embrace its original ethos of '71 and overcome the partisan tendencies of August 15 counter-revolution and November 07 mutiny.
harun1943@gmail.com
"Try to know about the true history of the country. Because, in the past, by inserting untrue information into the textbooks, children and the new generation like you have been confused," Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said while addressing the National Standard Presentation Parade of the East Bengal Regiment of Bangladesh Army at Chittagong Cantonment on November 12, 2009.
I
The month of December harks back to the values that united the people to win independence in 1971. This is also the month to mourn the demise of the national unity, based on those pristine values of the Liberation War - Bengali Nationalism, Democracy, Socialism and Secularism - in 1975. Bangladesh has since been a divided nation.
This is not to say that the people had found an Arcadia in the pre-'75 Bangladesh. Political parties and forces were fighting the government of the day. The government was also ruthless in suppressing opposition to it. But all sides in the power struggle paid allegiance to the original secular-socialist polity that was enshrined in the Constitution as adopted in 1972. The competition was essentially on finding the best way of nation-building on the secular-socialist line.
In 1975, the counter-revolution of August 15 snapped the constitutional and political process. The ghost of Islam-pasand polity, based on Bangladeshi nationalism -- a euphemism of Bengali Muslim nationalism -- was dug out from the sepulchre of the united Pakistan and foisted on secular-socialist Bangladesh. But the revanchist Islam-pasand forces have failed to obliterate from the memories of the people the glories of the War of Independence and also the agonies of the genocide by the Pakistan occupation forces and their local collaborators.
The secular-socialist polity, based on Bengali nationalism, was established through decades-long political struggle, culminating in the War of Independence. The Islam-pasand polity, based on Bangladeshi nationalism, sneaked in through a conspiracy against the government of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founder of independent Bangladesh.
II
The killing of Mujib, along with most of his family members, was the bloodiest part of the August 15 counter-revolution. The counter-revolution did not take place as a result of an open political or military revolt; it was an episode in a conspiracy to overthrow Mujib's government, subvert the Constitution and to banish the secular-socialist polity from the country. But the Bangladeshi Islam-pasand polity that was established in the wake of the conspiracy was politics.
Though related as cause and effect, the August 15 counter-revolution and the Bangladeshi Islam-pasand polity are distinct phenomena. The counter-revolution was an event which took place at a particular juncture of the nation's life. But the Islam-pasand polity is an idea which is rooted in the Pakistani past and will remain relevant -- even if subdued -- until the progressives succeed in reforming the social, cultural and economic base of this retrogressive political ideal.
This truism was forgotten in the euphoria of victory in the War of Independence against Islam-pasand Pakistan. The people in their credulity also thought that the inhumanity of the genocide was an anti-dote to religion-based politics. In less than four years of independence, the Islam-pasand politics of Bangladesh variety usurped secular-socialist Bangladesh of '71. Did all the people who joined the bandwagon of Bangladeshi Islam-pasand politics lose their pride in the War of Independence? Did they stop hating the genocide? Did they condone the brutalities of the August 15 counter-revolution? Not really. Had it been so, the Awami League, under the leadership of Mujib's daughter, Sheikh Hasina would not have returned to power in 1996 and the BNP-Jamaat axis would not have met their Waterloo in the 2008 general election. What happened is that uncritical people signed up for the Islam-pasand politics as an ideal, independent of the War of Independence, the genocide and the killings of August 15. This explains the return of Islam-pasand polity which was defeated in the War of Independence against Pakistan. This also explains the current resurgence of the secular-socialist forces as a result of 34 years of political struggle.
Similarly, the hanging of the killers of Mujib, the due punishment of the perpetrators of November 03, 1975 jail killing, the trial of the war criminals and --even -- the restoration of the 1972 Constitution will be legal and constitutional defeat of the Islam-pasand polity as founded by the August 15 counter-revolution. But any let-up in the struggle against the Islam-pasand politics and complacency in the work for the consolidation of the secular-socialist polity will be suicidal for those who cherish the pristine principles of Bangladesh -- Bengali Nationalism, Democracy, Socialism and Secularism.
III
The Army, that is, the armed forces are an integral part of the saga of the War of Independence. They belonged to the national unity which was achieved through the historic liberation struggle of the Bengali people.
The national unity was destroyed by the August 15, 1975 counter-revolution staged through elements belonging to the Army. The counter-revolution was consolidated by the rise of General Ziaur Rahman through the mutiny of November 07, 1975. Thus, the unity of the Army was first broken and that disunity snowballed into the division of the polity.
The Army, as an institution, is, thus, torn by the conflicting pulls of two legacies -- between the noble legacy of national unity based on the Spirit of '71 and the divisive legacy of the counter-revolution that brought in its wake the retrogressive Bangladeshi Islam-pasand polity.
IV
As the leader of the post-'75 Islam-pasand polity, BNP chairperson and General Zia's political heir, Khaleda Zia always invokes the partisan role of the Army in the November 07 mutiny. The latest occasion was BNP's observance of November 07 Day last month.
On the other hand, as the leader of the pre-'75 secular-socialist polity, Awami League president and Sheikh Mujib's political heir, Sheikh Hasina emphasises on the contribution of the Army in the War of Independence and its institutional role in upholding national sovereignty and unity. Hasina has been aggressively campaigning for the soul of the Army since her return to power, particularly, since the February 25-26 BDR mutiny. She has intensified the campaign since the final phase of executing the death sentence of the killers of Sheikh Mujib began in October. The widely publicised Army Formation Commanders' Conference-2009, held at the Dhaka Cantonment with Hasina in the chair on November 23, was her latest programme with the Army.
The political stability as well as the remoulding of the polity depends crucially on the degree of success Prime Minister Hasina may achieve in her campaign to encourage the Army to re-embrace its original ethos of '71 and overcome the partisan tendencies of August 15 counter-revolution and November 07 mutiny.
harun1943@gmail.com