Turkey: Is Kemalism extinct?

What has been happening in Turkey since the Justice and Development party (AKP) came to power has given fuel to a lot of debate in the international press. The views on steps taken by AKP to demilitarise Turkey's key institutions and make fundamental changes in the way things are done and run in the country have led to claims that vary wildly depending on who one talks to. When Kemal Ataturk came to power in 1923, he inherited a society still basking in the lost glory of the Ottoman Empire. Though the successive military regimes that came after him all touted the 'kemalism' garb, the views of the 'father of the nation' were far removed from what came later. Indeed, under Ataturk, the military were not in the centre of things; rather, important positions of power belonged to civilians. Introduction of western values propelled an eastern-looking Turkey to embrace western-style values based on liberal economic policies. The authoritarian side of Ataturk was perhaps a 'historical necessity' in the face of the great depression that swept the democratic world in the 1930's, but that is a subject of another discussion. Turkey as we know it today is essentially the work of Ataturk. He effectively separated religion from the State. While people were given the freedom to practice religion freely, steps were taken to keep religion out of both politics and the law of the land, i.e. the sharia had no place in the legal system. Hence when the AKP came to power and started to undo years of practices held sacred under the garb of secularism, such moves were not perceived well by certain quarters beyond the borders of Turkey. Indeed, when the AKP took on the powerful institutions of the military and the bureaucracy, many analysts were bold enough to predict the demise of this religious party. Contrary to all hopes and expectations, not only the AKP did prevail and the old centres of power did not but also the revival of religion as a centre piece in the fabric of Turkish society and politics is seeing an unprecedented revival. The bold display of the headscarf on the first lady would have been unthinkable a few decades ago. In fact if history is referred to, the military establishment had gone as far as to overthrow another Islamic-minded regime in the late '90s on the charge that it had strayed too far from 'Kemalism'. Looking beyond what is happening in the domestic scene, today's Turkey is taking bold steps to make its presence felt in the region. Its foreign policy is one that has neighbours and allies alike questioning on what path Turkey has embarked. Gone are the days when the country would simply tow the NATO line; rather, it has shown the propensity to reclaim its position as a premier power broker in the region -- a position it once held when the Ottomans ruled supreme. The rapprochement with Iran, bettering of relations with the hard-line Palestinians etc., all point to an 'Eastern-looking' focus -- ascertaining not one that is western or European oriented. Needless to say, the row between Turkey and Israel over the 'Gaza Flotilla' issue has Turkey's western allies in a fix. To even contemplate a NATO member with Islamic credentials voicing the cries of the dispossessed such as the Palestinians is bound to send shivers down the collective spines of the western powers. While the Kemalists may have to rely upon a weakened military, the purged bureaucracy and civil society to counter the AKP, the ruling party has demonstrated its ability to draw support from a wide range of varied interest groups that include the emerging commercial, financial and industrial elites. And contrary to popular claims that Turkey under the present regime is bent on destroying the last vintages of secularism, the argument does not truly hold good, when one looks at the fact that the AKP is perhaps the first government to reach out to the PKK in an effort to find a peaceful solution to the Kurdish question and has gone further into wresting control from the military and transplanting those to civilian hands. The Kemalists will have to come to terms with certain realities on the ground. It is not without reason that the once all-powerful military are no longer held as the champions of the secular traditions that 'Kemalism' supposedly inspired. The end of the cold war changed everything. Gone was the threat of communism and common Turks turned their attention to more pressing needs like employment, education, etc. Indeed, the charm had begun to wear off long before the AKP ever came to power. The question at the end of the day for Europe (or the United States for that matter) is how to judge Turkey. It would be an immense tragedy to think that this unique nation sitting at the confluence between the East and the West is going to turn into another Iran. Its rapid sustained economic growth over the past decade coupled with the country's overwhelming desire to be part of the European Union (EU) family negates such dark premonitions. Turkey's growth rate is in fact higher than virtually all other nations in Europe. It has a bustling private sector. The facts speak for themselves: Its Istambul Stock Exchange (ISE) index has gained nearly 58 per cent in the past year in comparison to 21 per cent for Germany's DAX index. What needs to be remembered that Turkey was once the premier power of the region and its rule extended over much of the present Arab world. That history leaves Turkey in a unique position to play the role of a mediator, should it choose to do so; it is an ability that should be recognised as an asset rather than a liability by the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and Europe.