Two futile years?
Monday, 8 December 2008
Muhammad Quamrul Islam
WHAT is happening around and happened over the last two years proved totally discouraging. Friends and colleagues who had hopes on one eleven caretaker government (CG) in 2007 now feel frustrated. Unrest on the campuses, the state of the economy, unemployment and poverty and middle class marginalisation cannot make one happy. One of them, a civil society leader, with solid political background, likes to stay away from politics for obvious reasons. She asks: why had these people, once known to be economists to run the government like this? Why had they succumb to political pressures?
If they were in politics, they would have been marginalised? She asks friends to write about these people without any bias, forgetting past friendships during student days. Farid Uddin Ahmed, from Political Science Department (1962 batch) of the Dhaka University, a political activist himself, shares the opinion. He says, the political commitment needed for the welfare of the people cannot be expected from them who led life of luxury enjoying power and privilege.
It does not mean they support previous party governments which created so many problems. Hard work of the people at home and abroad gave progress. The government of the day was an obstacle. What our generation did cannot escape notice. We belong to Dhaka University 1961 Economics batch. I am over 67. On August 26, I suddenly fell on the floor at my residence as a consequence of wrong treatment, by a physician, who is a professor. After spending five days in a hospital, I am back home.
We hoped that the emergency government led by Chief Adviser Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed and Finance and Planning Adviser Dr. ABM Mirza Azizul Islam, 1961 batchmates would bring in qualitative change in politics and socio- economy.
The caretaker government and the Election Commission (EC) spent much time on many agenda achieving little. They had no time to undertake civic education campaigns to empower the voters withstand pressure from the vested quarters.
A look at the nominations by the grand alliance led by Awami League (AL), and the four-party alliance led by Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the two contenders for power, speak a lot. Both the alliances kept the reformists out. Setting the last date of withdrawal of nomination papers on December 11 leaves not much time for the voters, mostly unlettered and poor, to consider who is a competent candidate? The party symbol would be a consideration. The level playing field might be important for the parties but not for the voters in a free and fair election. What candidate-qualifications were set. Are they good for democracy? Former MPs, retired bureaucrats, NGO lords, and the neo-wealthy businessmen have been nominated by both the alliances.
AL dropped a good number of reformists, barring the top-notchers. The senior reformists would lose respect for failing to protect their followers. M Saifur Rahman, Major (retd) Hafizuddin Ahmed and other backed out from the reform initiative. The behaviour of the reformists in both the parties is intriguing. The initiative for reforms should come from within the political parties. Nowhere in the world it happened the other way. No politically conscious citizen expects reforms imposed from the outside.
Some of the intelligentsia, who thrive in political chaos feel happy over 39 political parties getting the registration. A media specialist suggests in a national Bangla daily recently that the Political Science Departments of universities should study the nominations from the grassroots of the parties. But how the partisan university teachers would do it is anybody's guess. Manipulations in getting the local recommendations by the influential or the wealthy, in some cases, were reported. When and how the local committees were formed, appointed, or elected? It is for the university teachers and media specialists to find out to let the people know.
Some small parties, which got the EC registration, have nothing but signboards. They looked searching for candidates who could bear the expenses. Why so, even now? Known as the King's parties, these parties were launched after the caretaker government came. This category includes Progressive Democratic Party (PDP) and Bangladesh Kalyan Party. Old and permanent small parties like NAP (Mozaffar) and Samyabadi Dal (ML), never grew. They joined the AL-led bandwagon for what reason no one knows. Do they have a single candidate who can get elected? They side with a big party for benefits that cannot be mentioned. A political leader opined that there should be a provision for not giving registration to a party that cannot set up candidate or win some seats national election. No party should be given registration for fund raising at home and abroad. The EC should pay attention to this factor.
Why did so many people use to pay so much for getting nominations of AL and BNP? It gives funds for the big parties to spend in elections. Why a 'prominent' nominee of the national united front, led by Dr. Badruddoja Chowdhury and Dr Kamal Hossain, had gone to 'home' upazila in a helicopter to submit his nomination papers. It was a show of wealth, which he has in abundance. He did it to contest the candidates of the big parties. Is this politics? Dr. Kamal Hossain owes an anger. The EC should take note of this as it set a Tk 1.5 million (15 lakh) ceiling of expenses per candidate. A real politician cannot afford it.
The price of AL nomination form was set at Tk 7500. A total of 2,758 forms sold fetched Tk 20.06 million (2.0 crore 6 lakh 85 thousand). So after announcement of nominations some met Sheikh Hasina to convey their deprivation and request to reconsider the nominations. There have been rallies, chase, counter-chase etc., around Shuda Sadan. Sheikh Hasina changed nominations in 14 seats.
BNP received Tk. 44.4 million (4 crore 44 lakh) from sales of nomination forms. The price of a party nomination form was Tk. 1000. It took a deposit Tk 20,000 from nomination seekers. In all 2, 063 aspirants bought forms. But 1,123 aspirants gave the deposits.
They were called in groups before the parliamentary board, and as such could not speak before chairperson Khaleda Zia. They were told that they would be evaluated later. Those who get nominations held demonstrations. BNP is in process of sharing seats with its partners.
BNP nominated turncoats. AL leader of Chittagong Shamsul Alam won the nomination of BNP. He is an industrialist. Is this the way to judge competence? There is no yardstick. Grab nominations anyway by money.
BNP nominated those sentenced by lower courts. The judicial process remains stalled due to emergency.
As usual family-ties were a dominant factor in giving nominations by both the alliances. Was there any evaluation of the leaders or workers who worked for the party for years? Was it democratic?
The caretaker government was busy with its 'minus two' formula in the first year in office. It spent the second year, 2008, on 'plus two' formula. What a reversal! The entire exercise sought to befool one and all. Possibly, the caretaker administration, running out of options, had to do what it did for its safe exit. The election is what is expected by all.
The writer is an economist and a politician
WHAT is happening around and happened over the last two years proved totally discouraging. Friends and colleagues who had hopes on one eleven caretaker government (CG) in 2007 now feel frustrated. Unrest on the campuses, the state of the economy, unemployment and poverty and middle class marginalisation cannot make one happy. One of them, a civil society leader, with solid political background, likes to stay away from politics for obvious reasons. She asks: why had these people, once known to be economists to run the government like this? Why had they succumb to political pressures?
If they were in politics, they would have been marginalised? She asks friends to write about these people without any bias, forgetting past friendships during student days. Farid Uddin Ahmed, from Political Science Department (1962 batch) of the Dhaka University, a political activist himself, shares the opinion. He says, the political commitment needed for the welfare of the people cannot be expected from them who led life of luxury enjoying power and privilege.
It does not mean they support previous party governments which created so many problems. Hard work of the people at home and abroad gave progress. The government of the day was an obstacle. What our generation did cannot escape notice. We belong to Dhaka University 1961 Economics batch. I am over 67. On August 26, I suddenly fell on the floor at my residence as a consequence of wrong treatment, by a physician, who is a professor. After spending five days in a hospital, I am back home.
We hoped that the emergency government led by Chief Adviser Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed and Finance and Planning Adviser Dr. ABM Mirza Azizul Islam, 1961 batchmates would bring in qualitative change in politics and socio- economy.
The caretaker government and the Election Commission (EC) spent much time on many agenda achieving little. They had no time to undertake civic education campaigns to empower the voters withstand pressure from the vested quarters.
A look at the nominations by the grand alliance led by Awami League (AL), and the four-party alliance led by Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the two contenders for power, speak a lot. Both the alliances kept the reformists out. Setting the last date of withdrawal of nomination papers on December 11 leaves not much time for the voters, mostly unlettered and poor, to consider who is a competent candidate? The party symbol would be a consideration. The level playing field might be important for the parties but not for the voters in a free and fair election. What candidate-qualifications were set. Are they good for democracy? Former MPs, retired bureaucrats, NGO lords, and the neo-wealthy businessmen have been nominated by both the alliances.
AL dropped a good number of reformists, barring the top-notchers. The senior reformists would lose respect for failing to protect their followers. M Saifur Rahman, Major (retd) Hafizuddin Ahmed and other backed out from the reform initiative. The behaviour of the reformists in both the parties is intriguing. The initiative for reforms should come from within the political parties. Nowhere in the world it happened the other way. No politically conscious citizen expects reforms imposed from the outside.
Some of the intelligentsia, who thrive in political chaos feel happy over 39 political parties getting the registration. A media specialist suggests in a national Bangla daily recently that the Political Science Departments of universities should study the nominations from the grassroots of the parties. But how the partisan university teachers would do it is anybody's guess. Manipulations in getting the local recommendations by the influential or the wealthy, in some cases, were reported. When and how the local committees were formed, appointed, or elected? It is for the university teachers and media specialists to find out to let the people know.
Some small parties, which got the EC registration, have nothing but signboards. They looked searching for candidates who could bear the expenses. Why so, even now? Known as the King's parties, these parties were launched after the caretaker government came. This category includes Progressive Democratic Party (PDP) and Bangladesh Kalyan Party. Old and permanent small parties like NAP (Mozaffar) and Samyabadi Dal (ML), never grew. They joined the AL-led bandwagon for what reason no one knows. Do they have a single candidate who can get elected? They side with a big party for benefits that cannot be mentioned. A political leader opined that there should be a provision for not giving registration to a party that cannot set up candidate or win some seats national election. No party should be given registration for fund raising at home and abroad. The EC should pay attention to this factor.
Why did so many people use to pay so much for getting nominations of AL and BNP? It gives funds for the big parties to spend in elections. Why a 'prominent' nominee of the national united front, led by Dr. Badruddoja Chowdhury and Dr Kamal Hossain, had gone to 'home' upazila in a helicopter to submit his nomination papers. It was a show of wealth, which he has in abundance. He did it to contest the candidates of the big parties. Is this politics? Dr. Kamal Hossain owes an anger. The EC should take note of this as it set a Tk 1.5 million (15 lakh) ceiling of expenses per candidate. A real politician cannot afford it.
The price of AL nomination form was set at Tk 7500. A total of 2,758 forms sold fetched Tk 20.06 million (2.0 crore 6 lakh 85 thousand). So after announcement of nominations some met Sheikh Hasina to convey their deprivation and request to reconsider the nominations. There have been rallies, chase, counter-chase etc., around Shuda Sadan. Sheikh Hasina changed nominations in 14 seats.
BNP received Tk. 44.4 million (4 crore 44 lakh) from sales of nomination forms. The price of a party nomination form was Tk. 1000. It took a deposit Tk 20,000 from nomination seekers. In all 2, 063 aspirants bought forms. But 1,123 aspirants gave the deposits.
They were called in groups before the parliamentary board, and as such could not speak before chairperson Khaleda Zia. They were told that they would be evaluated later. Those who get nominations held demonstrations. BNP is in process of sharing seats with its partners.
BNP nominated turncoats. AL leader of Chittagong Shamsul Alam won the nomination of BNP. He is an industrialist. Is this the way to judge competence? There is no yardstick. Grab nominations anyway by money.
BNP nominated those sentenced by lower courts. The judicial process remains stalled due to emergency.
As usual family-ties were a dominant factor in giving nominations by both the alliances. Was there any evaluation of the leaders or workers who worked for the party for years? Was it democratic?
The caretaker government was busy with its 'minus two' formula in the first year in office. It spent the second year, 2008, on 'plus two' formula. What a reversal! The entire exercise sought to befool one and all. Possibly, the caretaker administration, running out of options, had to do what it did for its safe exit. The election is what is expected by all.
The writer is an economist and a politician