In his second address to the nation, Chief Adviser Dr Muhammad Yunus has made the most important announcement of forming six reform commissions assigning those with the task of recommending amendments to provisions in their respective areas. The purpose is to attain the goal of a governance system for the people, by the people and of the people. All the recommendations must align with the aspiration students of the anti-discrimination movement have made their driving force for establishing a society of equal opportunity for all. The commissions will start working from October 1 next under six prominent persons, whose names he mentioned, heading those. Subject to perusal by political parties, reforms to the areas concerned will be brought about.
The trickiest issue here is the decentralisation of power from the clutches of the elite, privileged and moneyed classes to make power-sharing inclusive. In a unitary government of centralised power, even the legislature can be changed to consolidate power by the ruling party provided it receives the required majority as stated in the constitution. So the greatest challenge before the interim government is to invent a system that leaves no room for any manipulation of the system of election by the party in power.
Remarkably, of the three state organs, the legislative has been left out of consideration for reform. The crux of the problem facing the interim government actually lies here. It cannot bring about any constitutional amendments and the validity of its rule until an elected government takes over will also have to be endorsed and incorporated by the legislature. Its strength is the unambiguous support it receives from the main actors of the political changeover and also of the mass people and most political parties except the party or parties that formed or supported the deposed government.
However, this is no guarantee that the aspiring political parties ---much as they may make a show of their acquiescence to the interim government's and the students' principled stand for a government devoted to serve the people instead of party interests at the cost of the people's cause---will be able to break free from their murky past marked by misrule and anti-democratic and anti-people activities. The deposed authoritarian dispensation took the monopoly of power and privileges to their extreme but other elected parties to have come to power or shared power were no better when it comes to monopolistic rule.
The chief adviser has detailed the various corrective measures already taken to bring order in the areas of public and financial administration. In the financial sector including banking, some discipline has been restored. This has been possible because financial matters and banking business do not have to comply with bureaucratic diktat, chiefly from the Bangladesh Financial Intelligence Unit that played a role contrary to the stated one for which it was established. These are areas that demanded immediate attention for routine works of governance.
Unfortunately, no unelected government --- much as the people's support it may have--- cannot likewise effect fundamental changes to the country's constitution. This country boasted a constitution that was reputed to be a unique charter guaranteeing equal rights of people of all classes. But subsequent distortion and manipulation have left it bereft of some of its cardinal principles or the main pillars such as secularism and socialism.
This is, however, the interim government's weakness as well as its strength. Weakness, because it cannot make the political parties swallow the bitter pill but strength, because it has taken in its hands the onerous job of giving the best possible solution to the defective system of deciding the people's mandate for their representatives to rule. Now the leaders known as coordinators of the Students Against Discrimination (SAD) are keeping vigil and no one dare take a stand contrary to their firm stand. But in the heady days of election campaign, things may be different and if there is an absolute majority a party receives under the parliamentary system, the current bonhomie may disappear.
So the constitutional reform commission and the election reform commission will have the crucial role to play. The two together with the judiciary reform commission will have to ensure check and balance in power sharing at the top so that concentration of power in a single hand creates no scope for producing a fascist or an autocrat or even oligarchy or plutocracy. This is a tall order but Bangladesh, coming through trials and tribulations of a number of mass uprisings, now deserves a much needed desirable settled system of electing a government and handing over power smoothly and peacefully.
Here the important issue is to ensure accountability and transparency which law alone cannot guarantee unless those in power rise up to the occasion to meet the new generations' expectation. They must recognise that the days of politics geared to advancing material gains, abuse of power and vendetta are over. The new generations have got the agenda and priorities right. By endorsing those, they will be able to respect the common people's will and earn the right to rule. Otherwise, the nation will never be at peace with itself and have to pay a heavy price for this fallibility. This time, it must not fail but sail through the turbulent time to its desired destiny.
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