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Whither rural Bengal\'s traditional tranquillity and peace

Sarwar Md Saifullah Khaled | June 11, 2016 00:00:00


In the late nineteenth century Tagore in his famous poem "Dui Bigha Jomi" (Two bighas of land) portrays Bengal's villages as "Chayasunibir shantir neer chhoto chhoto gramguli" (Thickly shadowed tiny villages abode of peace). Many changes have taken place since then. It has been divided twice - once in 1905 and again in 1947 in the name of economic development, democracy and civilisation - but the traditional peaceful and tranquil environment of rural Bengal remained more or less undisturbed throughout ages up to 1971, the year of Bangladesh independence. The traditional peaceful and tranquil environment of rural Bengal has been shattered in recent times in the name of so-called democratisation of the country - a new civilisation.       

Nothing wrong about democratisation and local polls embracing the rural areas of Bangladesh under political party banners - when people in Bangladesh have much to do with politics than less-rewarding economics these days. But the experiment, avowedly for breaking away from the British-era model of non-political election to local government bodies, takes place in a wrong time and perverted political milieu. Peaceful, tranquil and sleepy villages have gone turbulent - a new experience. Apart from the political adversities and a curious administrative ineptitude, the Election Commission (EC) is to blame for the poll rioting in many rural areas as it looked as deaf as a post to all criticisms and call for preventive action in exercise of its powers vested constitutionally.

The EC holds supreme sway over the administration in an election area. So, it should bear the supreme responsibility for the bloodletting that has taken place in the traditional tranquil villages over the "grossly mismanaged" and "deeply flawed" union council or union parishad (UP) elections - the critics say almost in one voice. Over a hundred lives were lost and thousands maimed while houses and property were damaged as activists of rival candidates, armed with conventional lethal weapons and even guns, ran riot to secure a win for their respective candidates nominated by their political parties for the first time in history. And, in most cases, it was infighting within the ruling party's lower orders.

The main opposition in the run looked marginalised, as the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) faithfuls have long been reeling from ruthless action following the failed violent resistance against the last January 05, 2014 national elections. One of the worst bouts of intra-party rioting occurred in a union of Baghmara Upazila of Rajshahi district, where several poll activists were killed in a terrible attack on the supporters of the Awami League (AL) chairman candidate reportedly by those hell-bent on booking victory for an AL rebel. The latest such bloody clash shook a Jamalpur UP area. Acts of violence and ballot stuffing in many cases have marked all the rounds of the six-phase UP polls. But the fifth phase, held on May 28, was the deadliest, with 12 deaths and 200 injuries in one day.

Elections for around 3,988 UPs have been held in the six phases since March 22 until June 04, 2016. And a total of at least 119 people were left dead in outbreaks of violence in the run-up, during and post-poll periods. Previously the deadliest was the 1988 UP polls that saw 80 lives lost. A civil society organisation on May 26 had claimed that the death toll and irregularities in the UP polls "broke all previous records" in Bangladesh. Adding another dimension to a plethora of complaints, Ekattorer Ghatak Dalal Nirmul Committee met the chief election commissioner on May 27 and demanded effective steps to prevent "attacks on minorities" amid the poll hullabaloo. Election Commission measures to curb violence in the union parishad polls remained confined to only sending letters to the home ministry for its help but no follow-up action as per its jurisdiction.

There have been hushed-up voices of criticisms from those who participate in live talk from within the ruling-party ranks. But one outspoken AL senior leader blurted out: "Neither this EC acts nor does it relinquish". Opposition BNP leaders go on tongue-lashing the EC in any reference to the conduct of UP polls in public address that "This Election Commission is devoid of minimum sense of self-respect". Almost all election experts blame indifference of the EC and lax enforcement of the law for the violence. Local government experts said that the commission should have played a strict role to check violence and irregularities since the start. But it didn't.

They opined that had the EC thoroughly investigated violence and irregularities in the first phase and taken stern action, the next phases could have been less violent. It is pointed out that the EC should have absolute control over administration at the field during election time. But some incidents have proved that the EC lacks control over the local administration. As the EC had not played a strict role since the beginning, it was very difficult to check violence in the subsequent phases of the six-phase election.

The last parliament election, boycotted by BNP and a number of other political parties, left deep scars on politics and elective democracy. The nation also witnessed an unprecedented urban street mayhem over the polls, which affected normal run of economy and society at large. All quarters had pinned hope on the UP polls and return of BNP in the race for a political reconciliation. But it looks a missed chance. On the contrary, political violence got decentralised down to the grassroots - the rural Bengal. It created divisions within a party, a family, community and village. Animosity replaces traditional tranquillity and peace of rural life and society by introducing a new UP polls 'civilisation'.

A Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) leader said: "As politics pays dividends, polls became a means for grab, especially for those who belong to the party in power". And this motto and mentality fuelled violence, particularly between the ruling party-nominated candidate and rebels. Some of the experts viewed the trial run of the political local polls had wrong timing. A full-fledged exercise of democracy within parties and in government should have led the way to local polls under political banners.

The national politics itself is in bad shape - and it only got transmitted into peaceful and tranquil village politics through the UP polls. No one knows what Tagore would have written seeing the present day rural Bengal going polls. This time all the malice of new urban civilisation has been transmitted to the serene rural Bengal. In disgust at such nature of new civilisation Tagore wrote in the same period of late nineteenth century in his poem "Shobbhotar Proti" (To civilisation) "Dao firiey shei aronno, lou a nogor ... Hey nobo shobbhota"! (Give back that woods, and take these cities ... O new civilisation"!) We have had enough of new "civilisation" - no more please.

The writer is a retired Professor of Economics, BCS General Education Cadre. Email: [email protected]


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