Is Modi keen on congenial political environ in South Asia?


Zaglul Ahmed Chowdhury | Published: August 21, 2014 00:00:00 | Updated: November 30, 2024 06:01:00


Indian prime minister Narendra Modi's emphasis on positive political environment in the South Asian region has given the impression that his government is willing to work in close concert with the regional neighbours for fighting such common enemies like poverty. In his first Independence Day address from the ramparts of the 17-century Moghul-built 'Red Fort' in old Delhi on August 15,the new prime minister struck a different chord on national and international issues, which has been widely acclaimed. He largely refrained from using offensive language against neighbours known as hostile to India - Pakistan and China. He also spoke on such domestic issues that are inextricably linked to the cause of common masses like menace of rape and toilet facilities. Indeed, this approach has given him a different image even though it is quite early to assess his priorities in both national and foreign affairs.
Modi chose neighbour Bhutan as his first foreign trip as many had earlier thought that Japan or China could be his first overseas visit. Likewise, external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj embarked on a visit to Dhaka, making Bangladesh as the first country for her bilateral trip. The visits by the prime minister and the external affairs minister to immediate neighbours clearly reflect the desire of the Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP)- led NDA coalition government to engage with the nations of geographical proximity even if ties with them are also characterised by both ups and down. Modi followed up his Bhutan visit to another neighbour Nepal.
The present Indian government, which took over less than three months ago replacing the Congress-led UPA government, is attaching greater importance to developing relations with South Asian countries. The presence of the regional leaders in the oath-taking ceremony of prime minister Narendra Modi on May 26 has been the first 'diplomatic coup' by the new government even before it could take over the reins of the largest democracy of the world. The extraordinary gesture by Modi in inviting his counterparts from seven other SAARC nations and also from Mauritius - an observer of the SAARC with which New Delhi has close ties - demonstrated that the new government is capable of presenting innovative ideas. But what is more important is the boldness that the new Indian leader has shown in inviting the SAARC leaders - an issue that was not without controversy within his country and also in the party. Modi overcame the reservations in particularly inviting the Sri Lankan president and also the Pakistani prime minister. The presence of SAARC leaders lent such a fervour to the event that emboldened the new prime minister's image on one hand and also undoubtedly gave India a kind of regional image that would help shed its 'big brotherly' image in certain quarters. Never before had regional leaders attended the swearing-in ceremony of the Indian premier or for that matter in any other country of the region as it was not conceived of earlier. Modi did it whatever be the future shape of things in matters of relations with the neighbours. The development may also trigger pressure on the neighbours for good ties with New Delhi as the new authority may justifiably claim that it has shown something of cordiality that was unprecedented in  South Asia.
The 2014 Indian elections were bitterly fought mostly on national issues, but ties with neighbours including Bangladesh often figured in campaigns with varying degrees by the key players of the political spectrum. During the intense and at times acrimonious campaigns, more and more contentious national issues were raised by the contending parties as they felt that the voters could be wooed by bringing in all these matters.
Barring the Paschimbanga, Assam and other north-eastern states, Bangladesh seldom figured in the campaign. Main parties, of course, touched upon  foreign policies, and it is not the big global powers that prominently came in for comments and observations. Not too surprisingly, the neighbours - especially Pakistan and China - were frequently referred to by these parties while other adjacent nations were also mentioned. Bangladesh had often been mentioned in some Indian states that have geographical closeness with this country. Issues like the Teesta waters, land boundary accord of 1974, situation along the borders, so-called 'illegal infiltration' from Bangladesh across the border dominated the campaign in these states by heavyweight politicians. The outcome of the elections has been a near-landslide for the BJP and its allies.
The ruling Congress leaders including Rahul Gandhi, who was seen as party's 'prime minister in waiting' should the ruling alliance captured power again, said on more than one occasion that relations with neighbours would remain a priority and were unlikely to see change during another spell of Congress rule, which has not happened. This meant, cordial relation with Bangladesh and confidence-building measures (CBMs) with arch rivals Pakistan and China would continue. Narendra Modi as the nominee for prime ministership of the BJP had said if voted to power, his government would follow the foreign policy of the AB Vajpayee government, the earlier BJP authority, which was ended in 2004 elections. He sought to allay fears in some quarters that the BJP government could be harsh with some neighbours and also with the Indian minorities. However, a day after the Independence Day address, the prime minister emphasised on strengthening defence so that none can cast 'evil eye' on India. Well, this is nothing unusual for any head of the government. But a string of communal incidents including in Saharanpur in Uttar Pradesh has not cast the new government in good light although the state is ruled by the Samajwadi party of Mulyaem Singh Yadav, an opponent of Modi's BJP and known as a secular organisation.
Modi has softened his tone on sensitive issues like ties with neighbours and seems more pragmatic in these matters including on secularism in India since he is largely known as a 'Hindutva' leader. Earlier, he told rallies in Paschimbanga and Assam about the 'Bangladeshis' in all these areas and tried to make a distinction between the 'Bangladeshis' on religious line, saying the 'Hindus' would be treated with care by his government while the Muslims must leave India. Later, he avoided making distinction on religious lines. Many saw such comments as the election rhetoric which have may not be taken seriously after Modi  took over as the head of the government. The new government may take note of the fact that the BJP has not derived any benefits by the issue of 'illegal immigrants' in Paschimbanga while its political enemy Mamata Baneerjee, chief minister of the state, secured a great success in the polls taking an anti-Modi stance on this issue. However, the BJP increased its tally in Assam by raising this issue in that state. The party has derived electoral benefits by raising the 'Bangladeshi infiltrators' issue during campaign.
The ruling 'Trinamul' Congress in Paschimbanga is the key force in the Lok Shaba polls in the state by winning 34 of the total 42 seats. Chief minister Mamata Baneerjee blows hot and cold on the issues of Teesta and LBA and of late she dropped hints of being lenient on the LBA but remains somewhat tough on the sharing of waters of the Teesta. She claims to be keen to promote ties with Bangladesh, but is known to be unwilling to do it what she says  'at the cost of water or land'. The leftists, which are the main opposition in the state, disapproves Mamata's stance on these issues. But they have unfortunately cut a sorry figure in polls in the state as the once formidable force could win  only two seats in the state. .
In matters with Dhaka, Mamata is undoubtedly a big factor. She took a clear position on the issue of 'illegal Bangladeshis' in India and particularly in Paschimbanga when she dared  Modi to 'touch' these people who are in fact Indians. She said Modi failed to understand that speaking the same Bangla language does not make an Indian as a Bangladeshi.
The chief minister also said that it was an issue that falls under the purview of the state government and not the federal authority, and as such Modi had no business to talk on such matters even if he finally formed the government in India. The prime minister had not spoken on this issue in earlier tone while home minister Rajnath Singh has been reported to have taken some measures to check 'illegal migration' from India. The Madhya Pradesh government of the BJP has also reportedly given jobs to 'Bangladeshi immigrants' in line with Modi's pre-election position.
Needless to say, Indo-Bangladesh matters are now being closely monitored by the analysts as a BJP-led government has now taken the helm in India. Sushma Swaraj's visit to Dhaka has aroused enormous interests in Bangladesh when she spoke of good bilateral relations. However, since her visit in late June, not much progress has been made in resolving the outstanding issues.
But the bottom line is that the Modi government is attaching importance to close ties with neighbours, which is a positive sign for the tension-ridden South Asian region. Hopefully, this tone will be broadly maintained despite the reality that every nation or government has its own policy and approach.
 zaglulchowdhury@yahoo.com

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