Bangladesh and India have a shared history of colonialism and exploitation. They have dreams aimed at achieving for their people reduction of poverty and socio-economic development. Bangladesh remembers with appreciation the role played by India in joining Bangladesh in its efforts towards independence through the War of Liberation. Over more than four decades the two countries have tried to move forward together within the shared paradigm of South Asia.
Exchange of visits to New Delhi and Dhaka by members of the Bangladesh leadership and that of the Indian government over the past five years have tried to identify least common denominators that could help both countries to overcome existing challenges through political will. The civil society in both countries, composed of media activists, economists, cultural personalities and professionals have also initiated positive steps to detect common linkages in the socio-cultural and economic arenas that will help foster people-to-people understanding. This has been attempted through the convening of workshops and seminars in different cities in both India and Bangladesh.
At the same time, mistrust has been fostered by right-of-the-centre activists and fundamentalists in both countries. They have done so out of the belief that their actions and decisions will ensure their narrow versions of national security. This, to an extent, has at times, created more problems and acted as barriers to the solution of issues that can potentially impact on good neighbourly relations between the two countries and in the South Asian region as a whole.
One should, however, not give up hope within this equation. Yes, there are unresolved issues that need to be addressed. There are difficulties, but the glass is not half-empty - it is half-full.
We have had the unfortunate cases of Felani and Afroza Khatun. We have had a stream of people of Bangladeshi origin being shot dead on the Bangladesh-India border over the last two decades. There have been assurances from visiting Indian dignitaries that such incidents will stop. This has not happened. This has raised questions among human rights activists in Bangladesh. Many have asserted that the relevant agencies of the Indian government have to take necessary steps to desist from armed action. They have also correctly proposed that those who are entering India or leaving that country without proper travel documents should be arrested and then handed over to the Bangladeshi authorities. It must be remembered that shedding blood only exacerbates a situation, affects public perception and creates unnecessary misunderstanding. It is encouraging to note that efforts are now being made to address this sensitive issue carefully.
I will now outline some other challenges that need to be overcome through the spirit of cooperation and understanding.
FLOOD MANAGEMENT: I will start with the need for flood management in the region. This cannot be the sole responsibility of only one of the lower riparian states. It is a common obligation that has to be faced collectively. Flood-related damages impact on people both in villages and towns. The destruction inflicted on the region's economy means not only losses in infrastructure and agriculture but also in livestock and poultry. It destroys standing crops, devours fertile agricultural lands and sometimes turns them into infertile tracts by covering the area with coarse sand grains in its wake.
It is in this context that measures should be taken to constitute an effective South Asian water management commission consisting of water experts from Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal to examine associated problems within the Ganges, the Brahmaputra and the Meghna basins. The secretary general of SAARC can also be included as a member on an ex-officio basis to give this commission a South Asian regional format. This commission should identify the structural measures and regulatory mechanism that will facilitate control of water. This may include the setting up of storage reservoirs and identifying the various points where the construction may be undertaken. These could be built upstream of the Ganges in Nepal or in the upstream of the Brahmaputra in north-eastern India. Some structures could also be built in the hilly regions of Bhutan. Such a measure will serve the twin purposes of attenuating flood discharge during the rainy season and augmenting the dry season flow with the stored water. To achieve optimum results, one will also have to take note of the impact on the environment and the morphological behaviour of the rivers. The above steps will presuppose coordination in development activities, sharing of hydrological data analysis, flood forecasting and warning as an effective non-structural measure and transmission of relevant data in real time for satisfactory results.
LAND BOUNDARY AGREEMENT: The next point relates to the continuing failure of New Delhi to complete the necessary steps pertaining to the ratification of the Land Boundary Agreement (LBA) with Bangladesh and the additional Protocol agreed in principle in 2011. Unfortunately, certain political parties in India have not facilitated this process. I cannot but note that such an approach by these parties has not been an example of friendship. They need to forsake their opposition.
SHARING TEESTA WATERS: This negative attitude has been apparent also in the case of resolving the problem of sharing of the waters of the Teesta river. This is being done contrary to all norms of international law related to sharing of waters between upper and lower riparian states. One must understand that sharing of water of this river is vital for millions of Bangladeshis living in the northern districts of the country. It is a source of life for all of them. This is already affecting agriculture in that sub-region and acting as a serious challenge to the reduction of poverty there. It is unfortunate that certain political parties in India are taking advantage of the uncertainties of the future political matrix in New Delhi. The political factor encourages them to take an adverse slant in the resolution of the Teesta issue.
PARA-TARIFF AND NON-TARIFF BARRIERS: Another area where Bangladesh and India have moved forward, but only in a limited manner is in the sector of trade, particularly in the facilitation of exports from Bangladesh to India. The issues of para-tariff and non-tariff barriers continue to plague Bangladeshi exports to India. This assumes a degree of importance given the fact that 2012-13 figures indicate that the balance of trade favours India by nearly US$ 4.181 billion. India has granted Bangladesh duty-free access to many items (except tobacco and liquor) but various types of duties like Countervailing Duty, Special Additional Duty, Secondary Education Cess and Higher Education Cess are still in existence. All of them add to the cost of Bangladeshi products entering India. Bangladeshi exporters are also facing serious problems in obtaining necessary clearance for products like soap, ready-made garments (RMG), edibles and even the Jamdani sari. The absence of testing facilities in the Land Customs Stations on the border also means that samples of products need to be sent to laboratories far away. In the process there is unusual delay. This difficulty can be surmounted through mutually acceptable certification and the presence of Integrated Check Posts at the border. That is the only way out. The facilitation of this process will require not only necessary political will but also a nod from the all-powerful bureaucratic structure in New Delhi.
CONNECTIVITY: In this era of globalisation, both Bangladesh and India need to understand that they might have individual strategic interests, but both must work together to create a stable, functional infrastructure. Connectivity is important. This effort can be taken forward through more inter-active linkages. Some practical measures have already been introduced in the field of energy. This may be taken forward with up-gradation in facilities and integrated management of seaports, land ports, telecommunication links and financial linkages. India, as the more dominant partner and the regional power in South Asia, will have to take greater interest in this regard.
India has to remember that Bangladesh is not a threat to India's security. We believe in peaceful co-existence. We also want to take advantage of India's Look East policy and the numerous complementarities and synergies that exist in the fields of economy, health, agriculture, agro-processing, education and information technology.
Both sides need to move forward. Embittering bilateral relations with provocative statements or controversial plans (river-linkages) need to be avoided. People of both countries, because of past history and cultural linkages, share ties of friendship that need to be further nurtured.
The present Bangladesh government has been pro-active in trying to move forward on the path of constructive engagement. This has included taking of steps to counter terrorism and deny support to any group trying to use the territory of Bangladesh for creating instability in the bordering regions of India. We are also trying to contain any effort to create communal disharmony and guarantee equal access and opportunity to all our citizens irrespective of their faith. We believe that this will foster internal stability.
Nevertheless, failure to gain desired results on certain vital concerns may eventually create suspicion among certain stakeholders in Bangladesh that India is not serious about resolving some issues. I do not share this view. However, I can only urge that the relevant authorities in India complete their unfinished homework. India needs to understand that as in many other countries, non-secular elements are waiting in the sidelines to take advantage and delimit our future efforts towards a meaningful partnership.
The writer, a former Ambassador, is an analyst specialised in foreign affairs, right to information and good governance. mzamir@dhaka.net
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