At a meeting held in Dhaka on January 20, the chairperson of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) appreciated and felicitated the people for their non-participation in the January 05 parliamentary election. She said this government did not have any political support and efforts should be made to hold an election 'under a non-party administration'. Analysts discerned here a slight shift from BNP's consistent demand for a 'Caretaker' government. There was another departure from the usual -- the BNP tried to show that it had convened it alone leaving out its key ally Jamaat-e-Islami whose leadership did not share the stage or give speeches (clever policy decision) but their followers and cadres were in the audience. This was probably done in the face of criticism at home and abroad over BNP's ties with a fundamentalist violence-prone party that has been involved in communal violence.
On the same day, the Prime Minister congratulated the people, in a meeting in Satkhira, for participating in the national polls and exercising their democratic right despite violence, provocation and sabotage. She sympathised with those who had suffered because of communal violence and promised to punish the perpetrators who had unleashed terrorism during the days leading up to the election and also on the day of polling.
The observations of these two leaders summed up the bi-polar approach towards politics and the democratic process that exists today in the Bangladesh political paradigm.
The past eleven months have witnessed violence, arson, use of unauthorised explosives, uprooting of railway lines, destruction of roads and bridges, wanton and irresponsible cutting of roadside trees, burning of schools and communal attacks on different minority religious communities. Such action not only affected socio-economic activities in both the public and private sectors but also cast a shadow on different aspects of our national activity -- in education, agriculture, the health sector and inter-connectivity between our rural hinterland and our urban centres. Disruption of transportation created challenges for exporters trying to dispatch their goods by road to Chittagong. It also produced difficulties for those trying to import capital machinery for their industrial activities. Violence caused nearly 30 deaths and more than 100 hundred innocent persons - including women and children - suffered burn injuries. Several law and order personnel also suffered serious injuries. Some of them eventually died.
All these happened with the active encouragement of the 18- Party Alliance. It was reiterated time and again by them that such a course of action was required to unleash people power for safeguarding their rights within the democratic matrix. We also noticed concurrent efforts by this group to rope in support for their actions from external quarters -- from diplomatic representatives based in Bangladesh and influential quarters in North America, European Union (EU) and the United Nations (UN).
There was talk of holding dialogue and the need for discussing issues affecting the political scene. However, there was no movement forward due to lack of faith and trust within the political leadership. Unfortunately, the 18-Party Alliance decided to lobby and seek answers to existing issues not in the Bangladesh Jatiyo Sangsad but in foreign parliamentary chambers - the US Senate and the House of Representatives, the British House of Commons and the European Parliament. This equation became more complex with the fundamentalist and terrorist approach of those belonging to the Jamaat-e-Islami Party, the Islamic Chatra Shibir and the supporters of the Hefazat group. These latter elements joined the fray not so much to achieve stated democratic ends but more because of their opposition to the ongoing war crimes trial being carried out to punish those miscreants and collaborators who had abetted and helped in perpetrating the criminal offences that led to genocide and abuse of human rights during our War of Liberation.
The electoral process, as required by the Constitution, has been completed despite 'hartals' and blockades ('aborodh'). The newly elected Members of Parliament (MPs) have taken oath and a new Cabinet has been sworn in. The new Administration has received congratulations from leaders of several countries including India, China, Russia and Indonesia.
This entire dynamics has, however, not been agreed to or approved by the 18-Part Alliance. They have termed the process more as selection rather than election. The fact that more than half of the MPs were elected unopposed has also been ridiculed by their leadership and their supporters. Their stand has been supported by leading members of some sections of the civil society who, at every opportunity, have reminded their audience that the ritual of an election was undertaken but it lacked legitimacy. The absence of international election observers and the election of more than half the total number of MPs, unopposed, have been for them the litmus test.
The diplomatic community resident in Bangladesh, attended the oath-taking ceremony of the new cabinet in Bangabhavan, but some among them took time out to directly and indirectly reflect on the need for a more 'inclusive' election as soon as possible. One amongst them even suggested a date-line. It may, however, be recalled that, earlier, and after the election, some members of the G-20 countries have unequivocally deplored violence and attacks on the minority community and urged restraint so that there is no instability, which in the long run could encourage terrorism. This trend of thought has been reflected in resolutions recently passed in the US Senate and by the European Union Parliament.
In the meantime, several important steps have been taken by the newly-elected Administration. That includes assurance that it is ready to engage in talks with the non-elected 18-Party Alliance if it forsakes violence and the prime perpetrators of such activity - the Jamaat, which is no longer a recognised political party according to the Election Commission. The relevant government authorities have taken required measures for providing essential political space to the BNP to function from their main party office in Naya Paltan, to hold rallies and meetings in Dhaka and have not opposed to most of their leadership being granted bail, so that they can come out of internment. These measures are being interpreted as a soft approach to encourage a constructive engagement. One hopes that such an approach will facilitate the identification of least common denominators so that all parties can find a way forward.
Another positive step that has been undertaken by the Administration is to agree with the Election Commission to hold elections on 19 February to 102 Upazila Parishads out of the total 487. Upazila elections will be held in three phases -- the second phase in March and the third phase in May this year. This poll process has already acquired special significance because the BNP is understood to be contemplating playing an active participatory role within this local government electoral process. Their presence in this dynamics will reveal the extent of their popularity and also strengthen democratic governance in the country.
All of us, irrespective of our political preference, have to understand one basic point - the people, their needs and the country are more important than the agenda of any political party. It is this awareness that should motivate us to systematically and carefully take to task anyone who tries to manipulate public opinion and create chaos through mis-information as has been seen recently in some areas of our print and social media. Unethical and illegal use of digitalisation to disseminate insinuation and distortion of facts must not receive any political support. The 18-party Alliance needs to be particularly careful about this. We must not subvert our national security or encourage communal hatred through irregular use of available media opportunities. In this context, one hopes that the Information Ministry, along with other relevant government authorities, will expeditiously create the regulatory paradigm required to contain such misuse of rights. Fundamental rights, after all, must always be available, but definitely not at the cost of recognised human rights associated with an individual or with a community.
It is clear that the new government has several challenges that need to be tackled - on a short and medium term. That includes restoring stability, ensuring continued economic opportunity and fighting corruption and mis-governance that might have emerged because of politicisation. There is also the question of completing the process of the War Crimes trial.
The previous Administration, during its tenure for five years from 2009, tried very hard to evolve a practice of transparency that would ensure accountability. We have moved forward because of this. The country's living standard has gone up. We have done well in macro-economic terms - in trade and economic activity (despite international recession), in promoting education, health, agriculture, digitalisation, communication network, gender empowerment and poverty reduction.
It is time, four decades after independence, to have more faith in ourselves and resolve our differences by our own efforts without dragging our foreign development partners into the mire. One must also remember that using intemperate language, unnecessarily, can only exacerbate an already volatile situation.
Muhammad Zamir, a former Ambassador, is specialised in foreign affairs, right to information and good governance. mzamir@dhaka.net
Post-election musings: Let us try to be positive
Muhammad Zamir | Published: January 27, 2014 00:00:00 | Updated: November 30, 2026 06:01:00
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