The name of Sheikh Hasina has become synonymous with brutal human rights violation in Bangladesh as she fled to India, leaving the people to be continued victims of her regime. However, it is not going to be easy for the new post-revolution government of Bangladesh because it is even in Indian soil that she can direct violence to Bangladeshi citizens. As things stand, it is barely possible to contemplate a new, democratic Bangladesh enjoying normal, cordial bilateral relations that neighbours are expected to share when such a glaring shadow of Hasina's influence persists.
The matter is further complicated by India's stance on Hasina as the Indian government has sought to justify its tacit support for her in terms of loyalty to a "long-standing ally." The argument they advance is emotionally loaded, "India cannot betray Hasina." But this very justification begs a series of uncomfortable questions regarding India's commitment to the rule of law and moral responsibility in its neighbourhood.
To this, Bangladesh should take a cue from what Indian Foreign Minister S Jaishankar has said in the context of perceived Canadian leniency towards Khalistani separatists. Jaishankar asked if political interests were more important than adherence to the rule of law and added that democracies have to stand for nothing but the dictates of justice. Using this framework, Bangladesh can raise similar moral questions before India: Is providing sanctuary to Sheikh Hasina, a leader under whose tutelage mass civilian atrocities were conducted, in line with India's values? Does sheltering her reinforce India's democratic identity or weaken it?
As such, the argument is unlikely to succeed in the immediate repatriation of Hasina but forms a moral fence- a line India will find harder to cross publicly. Besides morality, there are also actionable requests that Bangladesh can put forward: imprisonment of Hasina under international law for crimes against humanity, similar to restrictions imposed on Vladimir Putin following the ICC's arrest warrant for which India couldn't host him. Once this legal precedence is set, Bangladesh can take up the case with India both on humanitarian and legal grounds, appealing to common respect for international law and democratic principles.
Framing this as a shared moral responsibility rather than as a diplomatic demand would help Bangladesh incrementally shift the narrative bilaterally and multilaterally. That's a way out and Indian High Commissioner's message, "the two countries cannot be stay rival based on one issue" is a clear signal to the openness, at least from his part, for the time being.
NAVIGATING RELATIONS WITH THE US: The re-election of Donald Trump poses both a challenge and an opportunity for post-Hasina Bangladesh. Most of his policies, broadly based on transactional diplomacy with unilateral priorities, demand a balancing act. As detractors would say, even his administration has been an impediment because it has been quite unpredictable in the past, but the way forward for Bangladesh lies in embracing the rule of law, fairness, and transparency upon which the revolution is based.
Bangladesh needs a non-reactive approach, weighing in on democratic principles and human rights. Much of Trump's "America First" policy coincides with strong and accountable leadership abroad, which may be capitalized on. Bangladesh can showcase the transparency of its interim government in an offer to the US for a reliable partnership in South Asia as a counterbalance to growing regional instability.
The emphasis should be on economic and strategic cooperation. While aspiring for U.S. investment in startups, renewable energy, and infrastructure, Bangladesh must showcase its reforms in governance as a model to developing democracies. The narrative is clear: the revolution was not just a domestic event but a signal of South Asia's potential to align with Western values of democracy and justice.
Although Trump's administration can be utterly unpredictable, consistency on the part of Bangladesh, steeped in fairness and justice, secures the legacy of the revolution at the altar of international conscience. The other avenues like building multi-channel relations with the broader U.S. administration leveraging people to people dialogues, think-tanks, educational institutes, congress etc; should be also be explored effectively.
ROHINGYA CRISIS AND STRATEGIC ALIGNMENT: The Rohingya crisis remains one of the gravest challenges that Bangladesh faces. Hosting over a million refugees has tested the country's resources, patience, and international alliances. The analogy of Aung San Suu Kyi serves as a sobering reminder in this regard: Suu Kyi went from being a beacon of hope to losing global credibility because of her government's apathy towards the Rohingya crisis. Bangladesh should not fall into this trap and thus needs to advocate a humanitarian and strategic course.
The interim government should raise its voice more loudly in the international arena for collective accountability. It should be done to ensure safe and dignified repatriation while also holding the Military Junta of Myanmar and other factious elements accountable for atrocities. Bangladesh has to take the lead in engaging ASEAN and mobilizing the tools and international frameworks effectively through something like the BURMA Act & Indo-Pacific Strategy.
It is, therefore, Bangladesh's approach-putting moral leadership into actionable policies-that regional stability and justice are not divisible from each other in any solution.
KNOWING THE ADVERSARY: The institutional remnants of Sheikh Hasina's regime still have deep knowledge of the system's vulnerabilities. Whereas the interim government has moral legitimacy, its lack of experience in navigating entrenched bureaucracies leaves it exposed. Solutions must therefore be innovative, indigenous and adaptable.
It means being outside the box of traditional governance systems. For instance, community-owned intelligence networks could defeat regime loyalists' attempts of sabotage and real-time citizen feedback mechanisms can provide an early warning against newly arising threats. In that sense, interim government strength lies not in its muscles or guns but in its creativity-the ability to conceptualise and implement novel solutions unhindered by inertia in traditional systems of governance.
CREATIVITY AND INNOVATION TOWARDS A BETTER FUTURE: As Bangladesh stands at the crossroads of its history, the interim government needs to harness innovation and adaptability to take on the challenges lying ahead. The opponents of this revolution are at once shrewd and entrenched-from within and outside. Every solution is to be strategic, fresh, and different from what has been happening in Bangladesh's case.
This means thinking outside the box: grassroots movements, youth-driven initiatives, technology-driven governance models each play an important role in both building resilience and bridging gaps. Whether it creates platforms for citizens to give feedback, uses social media to help counter propaganda, or employs data analytics in a bid to make better use of its resources, Bangladesh needs to adopt every tool at its disposal.
Innovation also means diplomacy: extending one's hand with dynamic, unconventional strategies towards one's international partners for the purpose of having Bangladesh's voice echoed on the global stage-so the ideals of the revolution may be preserved and championed at the world level.
THE LEGITIMACY AND ACCOUNTABILITY WRITTEN IN BLOOD: This interim government draws legitimacy not from some election but from the sacrifice of those young boys and girls who gave their lives for freedom. Their blood-the screams of a three-year-old in her last moment, the anguished cries of a blinded protester-is the real mandate of this government. This government is accountable, not to any political party or foreign power, but to the people of Bangladesh and by extension, to every suppressed community of this world fighting for their freedom.
The July revolution inspired hope worldwide. Its success is a beacon for others resisting tyranny; its failure would dim their resolve. The line between victory and failure is razor-thin and the stakes have never been higher.
Bangladesh has to win not only the battle but also the war. It needs to revive the soul of its revolution- animated by big ideas and undergirded by small, unyielding steps toward justice, democracy, and human dignity.
This is not an opportunity to rebuild; this is an imperative that goes beyond the call to redefine. The revolution ended tyranny; the government now owes it to the nation to end the system that made its rise possible. Anything less would be an unpardonable betrayal, not just of those who bled for this nation, but of all those who look at Bangladesh as proof that freedom is worth the fight. [Concluded]
Lt. (Retd.) Abu Rushd is the Editor in Chief of Bangladesh Defence Journal & Director- Defence & Intelligence at Institute of Strategy and Tactics Research (ISTR). M. Zakir Hossain Khan is Chief Executive of Change Initiative and Director-Nature & Integrity at ISTR. Salman Chowdhury is the Head of External Affairs at Bangladesh Defence Journal and Director- National Security & External Affairs at ISTR. salman.c.anit@gmail.com